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Immanence, Transcendence, Democracy
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Nietzsche, Daybreak: thoughts on the prejudices of morality, trans by R. J. Hollingdale (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), p. 171.I omit for reasons of space a fourth element, the engagement by citizens in activist citizen networks which reach above the level of the state, speaking to global issues and striving to affect the practices of states, transnational corporations, and supranational institutions of governance alike. I discuss this dimension of chapter 7 of Neuropolitics: Thinking, Culture, Speed (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press) and chapter 5 of Pluralism (Durham: Duke University Press, 2005).An excellent place to start thinking about this third dimension is in Jane Bennett, The Enchantment of Modern Life: Attachments, Crossings and Ethics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000).In the last chapter of Pluralism (Durham: Duke University Press, 2004) I contend that late-modern capitalism is neither a tightly defined structure of contradictions nor a self-sustaining system susceptible to governance and justice through neo-liberal state policies. It is potentially open to being twisted and turned into economic practices that reduce structural inequalities by political means. Today, militant politics within the state must be joined to cross-state movements which put pressure on states and the corporate structure from the inside and outside simultaneously. The political leverage for these practices is difficult to establish, but that is less because the structure is closed and more because of the power of the corporate media and the willingness of many to give priority to conservative faiths over their own economic interests. The last item shows why pluralism and egalitarianism must be promoted together.I first explored ways to attack the structural sources of economic inequality with Michael Best in The Politicized Economy (Lexington: 1976, 1982. There we developed the distinction between exclusive modes of consumption and inclusive modes, supporting the latter in the domains of housing, travel, communication, insurance, and medical care. The dominant mode of consumption today takes the shape of exclusive goods. These themes are connected more closely to pluralism in chapter 3 of The Ethos of Pluralization (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995), and “Assembling the Left” boundary 2 (fall, 1999), pp.47-54. The latter essay appears in a Symposium on “Left Conservatism”, where, among other things, several participants challenge the idea that being on the Left and being a pluralist are contradictory.
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| | Authors: Connolly, William. |
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Nietzsche, Daybreak: thoughts on the prejudices of morality, trans by R. J. Hollingdale (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), p. 171. I omit for reasons of space a fourth element, the engagement by citizens in activist citizen networks which reach above the level of the state, speaking to global issues and striving to affect the practices of states, transnational corporations, and supranational institutions of governance alike. I discuss this dimension of chapter 7 of Neuropolitics: Thinking, Culture, Speed (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press) and chapter 5 of Pluralism (Durham: Duke University Press, 2005). An excellent place to start thinking about this third dimension is in Jane Bennett, The Enchantment of Modern Life: Attachments, Crossings and Ethics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000). In the last chapter of Pluralism (Durham: Duke University Press, 2004) I contend that late-modern capitalism is neither a tightly defined structure of contradictions nor a self-sustaining system susceptible to governance and justice through neo-liberal state policies. It is potentially open to being twisted and turned into economic practices that reduce structural inequalities by political means. Today, militant politics within the state must be joined to cross-state movements which put pressure on states and the corporate structure from the inside and outside simultaneously. The political leverage for these practices is difficult to establish, but that is less because the structure is closed and more because of the power of the corporate media and the willingness of many to give priority to conservative faiths over their own economic interests. The last item shows why pluralism and egalitarianism must be promoted together. I first explored ways to attack the structural sources of economic inequality with Michael Best in The Politicized Economy (Lexington: 1976, 1982. There we developed the distinction between exclusive modes of consumption and inclusive modes, supporting the latter in the domains of housing, travel, communication, insurance, and medical care. The dominant mode of consumption today takes the shape of exclusive goods. These themes are connected more closely to pluralism in chapter 3 of The Ethos of Pluralization (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995), and “Assembling the Left” boundary 2 (fall, 1999), pp.47-54. The latter essay appears in a Symposium on “Left Conservatism”, where, among other things, several participants challenge the idea that being on the Left and being a pluralist are contradictory.
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