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Participation bias and framing effects in citizens juries
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Participation bias and framing effects in citizensâ juries / 1
OVERVIEW
Efforts are being made in many countries to promote richer citizen participation. Motivations for these efforts include concerns about citizen apathy and disaffection; the perceived remoteness of representatives and traditional institutions; and systematically unequal participation in decision-making by different social groups. Public responses to these perceived problems range from statutory requirements for public bodies to consult with the public, to ambitious experiments with different methods to realize participative ideals.
Merging with this, the model of âdeliberative democracyâ is an increasingly popular and
widely discussed normative account of requirements for genuinely democratic decision-making. In its simplest articulation, a deliberative democracy is âan association whose affairs are governed by the public deliberation of its membersâ (Cohen 1997, 67). The idea of deliberative democracy involves the claim that âlegitimate lawmaking issues from the public deliberation of citizensâ (Bohman and Rehg 1997, 1). Proponents unite in arguing that the democratic process should not be one of simply responding to raw citizen preferences, and that the legitimacy of the democratic process is tied to unconstrained communication, discussion and debate among citizens. The purpose of deliberation is transformative. It is argued to: allow every citizenâs views to evolve in a way that takes account of the views of every other citizen; shape reasoned judgments that do not reflect citizenâs adaptation to unjust background conditions; generate decisions that are not subject to strategic manipulation. It is to âdeliberatedâ rather than ârawâ preferences that the democratic process should respond (Benhabib 1996, Cohen 1997, Dryzek 1990, 2000, Elster 1997, Gutmann & Thomson 1996, Habermas 1992, 1996a, 1996b, 1997, Sunstein 1991). The deliberative ideal thus envisages the creation of significant informal spaces and formal forums in the real world, within which public deliberation on matters of general concern can occur.
Citizensâ juries
1
are one of several types of formally organized deliberative forum. Other
types include: citizensâ panels; citizensâ summits; consensus conferences; deliberative mapping; deliberative polling
2
; and scenario workshops. To these can be added one-off processes such as:
participatory forums on public health policy in Oregon; community policing in Chicago; and municipal budgeting in Brazil.
3
These forums are inspired by visions of direct democracy derived
from idealized notions of ancient Athenian and US town meetings. They use various methods, including survey techniques, to recruit citizens to panels of a size deemed suitable for interpersonal deliberation. Participants are typically given balanced briefing materials in advance and are then brought together at a single site over a day or several days, sometimes with experts and political leaders to inform their discussions. They engage in intensive discussion and debate on the issue under consideration, with the objective of reaching a group conclusion, or agreed set of recommendations, to which the commissioning body may be required to respond (in the case of UK citizensâ juries for instance: see Smith & Wales 2000), or even implement (municipal budgeting: see Wampler 2004).
On one hand, such a forum is seen as a way to produce a âbetterâ and more reasoned
collective judgment on the matter under consideration, since everyone hears and can take account of the views of everyone else â putting themselves in a position where they can be persuaded by the arguments of others. On the other hand, the forum may be seen as an exercise in civic
1
Ned Crosby has copyright of the term âcitizensâ juryâ.
2
James Fishkin has registered âDeliberative Pollâ and âDeliberative Pollingâ as trademarks.
3
Ackerman & Fishkin 2002, Andersen and Jaeger 1999, , Coote & Lenaghan 1997, Crosby, Kelly &
Schaefer 1986, Delap 1998, Eames, Stirling, Burgess, Davies, Williamson, Mayer & Staley 2003, Fishkin 1991, 1995, 1996, Fishkin, Luskin & Jowell 2000, Fung 2003, Kuper 1997, Hansen & Andersen 2004, , Hall 1996, Horning 1999, McIver 1997, Merkle 1996, Pickard 1998, Renn, Webler & Wiedmann (eds.) 1995, Smith & Wales 2000, Stewart 1995, 1996, 1997, Stewart, Kendall & Coote 1994, Wampler 2004.
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| | Authors: French, Damien. and Laver, Michael. |
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Participation bias and framing effects in citizensâ juries / 1
OVERVIEW
Efforts are being made in many countries to promote richer citizen participation. Motivations for these efforts include concerns about citizen apathy and disaffection; the perceived remoteness of representatives and traditional institutions; and systematically unequal participation in decision- making by different social groups. Public responses to these perceived problems range from statutory requirements for public bodies to consult with the public, to ambitious experiments with different methods to realize participative ideals.
Merging with this, the model of âdeliberative democracyâ is an increasingly popular and
widely discussed normative account of requirements for genuinely democratic decision-making. In its simplest articulation, a deliberative democracy is âan association whose affairs are governed by the public deliberation of its membersâ (Cohen 1997, 67). The idea of deliberative democracy involves the claim that âlegitimate lawmaking issues from the public deliberation of citizensâ (Bohman and Rehg 1997, 1). Proponents unite in arguing that the democratic process should not be one of simply responding to raw citizen preferences, and that the legitimacy of the democratic process is tied to unconstrained communication, discussion and debate among citizens. The purpose of deliberation is transformative. It is argued to: allow every citizenâs views to evolve in a way that takes account of the views of every other citizen; shape reasoned judgments that do not reflect citizenâs adaptation to unjust background conditions; generate decisions that are not subject to strategic manipulation. It is to âdeliberatedâ rather than ârawâ preferences that the democratic process should respond (Benhabib 1996, Cohen 1997, Dryzek 1990, 2000, Elster 1997, Gutmann & Thomson 1996, Habermas 1992, 1996a, 1996b, 1997, Sunstein 1991). The deliberative ideal thus envisages the creation of significant informal spaces and formal forums in the real world, within which public deliberation on matters of general concern can occur.
Citizensâ juries
1
are one of several types of formally organized deliberative forum. Other
types include: citizensâ panels; citizensâ summits; consensus conferences; deliberative mapping; deliberative polling
2
; and scenario workshops. To these can be added one-off processes such as:
participatory forums on public health policy in Oregon; community policing in Chicago; and municipal budgeting in Brazil.
3
These forums are inspired by visions of direct democracy derived
from idealized notions of ancient Athenian and US town meetings. They use various methods, including survey techniques, to recruit citizens to panels of a size deemed suitable for interpersonal deliberation. Participants are typically given balanced briefing materials in advance and are then brought together at a single site over a day or several days, sometimes with experts and political leaders to inform their discussions. They engage in intensive discussion and debate on the issue under consideration, with the objective of reaching a group conclusion, or agreed set of recommendations, to which the commissioning body may be required to respond (in the case of UK citizensâ juries for instance: see Smith & Wales 2000), or even implement (municipal budgeting: see Wampler 2004).
On one hand, such a forum is seen as a way to produce a âbetterâ and more reasoned
collective judgment on the matter under consideration, since everyone hears and can take account of the views of everyone else â putting themselves in a position where they can be persuaded by the arguments of others. On the other hand, the forum may be seen as an exercise in civic
1
Ned Crosby has copyright of the term âcitizensâ juryâ.
2
James Fishkin has registered âDeliberative Pollâ and âDeliberative Pollingâ as trademarks.
3
Ackerman & Fishkin 2002, Andersen and Jaeger 1999, , Coote & Lenaghan 1997, Crosby, Kelly &
Schaefer 1986, Delap 1998, Eames, Stirling, Burgess, Davies, Williamson, Mayer & Staley 2003, Fishkin 1991, 1995, 1996, Fishkin, Luskin & Jowell 2000, Fung 2003, Kuper 1997, Hansen & Andersen 2004, , Hall 1996, Horning 1999, McIver 1997, Merkle 1996, Pickard 1998, Renn, Webler & Wiedmann (eds.) 1995, Smith & Wales 2000, Stewart 1995, 1996, 1997, Stewart, Kendall & Coote 1994, Wampler 2004.
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