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Learning National Identity in Bosnia-Herzegovina: A Structural Equation Model of Secondary School Students' Identities
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We finally managed to accommodate [the Bosniak students]. But, they have to enter the building through a back door. They file out through the back door. They are not allowed to use the gym; they are not allowed to use the library... I mean, everything is totally separate. Even the wing that they occupy... is separated from the rest of the school by a pile of furniture, old furniture that the Croat principal piled up... in one of the corridors to prevent any contact between the two groups. So this is total nonsense, total apartheid, and it cannot be tolerated.
6
After their experience in Stolac, OHR abandoned this model. Now, OSCE has been working
hard to implement a model of integration wherein students have most subjects in integrated
classes, and attend separate classes for national subjects, including language, history, religion,
geography and art. However, such integrated schools are yet to be realized.
Data and Methods
Sampling
The data used in this paper derive from an original survey I administered in May 2004 to
the students and history teachers of two secondary schools in each of six towns in FBiH: Tešanj,
Široki Brijeg, Gornje Vakuf / Uskopje
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, Jajce, Žepče and Tuzla (N=2,989). I chose these towns
to represent the variety in population demographics, segregation policies and curricula in use
throughout FBiH. Since the majority of the towns in FBiH are mono-national, I selected two
such sites for inclusion in the study: Tešanj, with a Bosniak population, and Široki Brijeg,
populated exclusively with Croats. The schools in these towns are de facto segregated.
Although integrated schools are not the norm in FBiH, I selected two towns that had a significant
population of the “minority” national group, Jajce and Tuzla, to ensure that the study included
students attending integrated schools. The schools in these towns employ the curriculum of the
majority (Croatian in Jajce, and Bosnian in Tuzla), but have significant numbers of the minority
national group attending school alongside the majority. Finally, I include two divided towns
6
Claude Kieffer, Senior Education Advisor, OHR. Interview with Naomi Levy, November 6, 2001, Sarajevo,
Bosnia-Herzegovina.
7
The name of this town is, itself, in dispute. Bosniaks who reside there refer to it as “Gornje Vakuf,” while it is
known as “Uskopje” to its Croatian citizens.
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We finally managed to accommodate [the Bosniak students]. But, they have to enter the building
through a back door. They file out through the back door. They are not allowed to use the gym;
they are not allowed to use the library... I mean, everything is totally separate. Even the wing that
they occupy... is separated from the rest of the school by a pile of furniture, old furniture that the
Croat principal piled up... in one of the corridors to prevent any contact between the two groups.
So this is total nonsense, total apartheid, and it cannot be tolerated.
After their experience in Stolac, OHR abandoned this model. Now, OSCE has been working
hard to implement a model of integration wherein students have most subjects in integrated
classes, and attend separate classes for national subjects, including language, history, religion,
geography and art. However, such integrated schools are yet to be realized.
Data and Methods
Sampling
The data used in this paper derive from an original survey I administered in May 2004 to
the students and history teachers of two secondary schools in each of six towns in FBiH: Tešanj,
, Jajce, Žepče and Tuzla (N=2,989). I chose these towns
to represent the variety in population demographics, segregation policies and curricula in use
throughout FBiH. Since the majority of the towns in FBiH are mono-national, I selected two
such sites for inclusion in the study: Tešanj, with a Bosniak population, and Široki Brijeg,
populated exclusively with Croats. The schools in these towns are de facto segregated.
Although integrated schools are not the norm in FBiH, I selected two towns that had a significant
population of the “minority” national group, Jajce and Tuzla, to ensure that the study included
students attending integrated schools. The schools in these towns employ the curriculum of the
majority (Croatian in Jajce, and Bosnian in Tuzla), but have significant numbers of the minority
national group attending school alongside the majority. Finally, I include two divided towns
6
Claude Kieffer, Senior Education Advisor, OHR. Interview with Naomi Levy, November 6, 2001, Sarajevo,
Bosnia-Herzegovina.
7
The name of this town is, itself, in dispute. Bosniaks who reside there refer to it as “Gornje Vakuf,” while it is
known as “Uskopje” to its Croatian citizens.
9
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