28
More recent manifestos continue the push for ‘Independence in Europe.’ In 1992,
the SNP discredits devolution as being insufficient for creating economic stability in
Scotland (Scottish National Party 1992). Further, to answer critics of their policy, they
claim that legal opinion supports their assumption that an independent Scotland would
continue to be part of the European Union, as a successor state (Scottish National Party
1992, 1997). But it is in the 1997 manifesto where the viability or optimal size of nations
argument becomes most evident and finds significant support. Noting the success of
small European countries and of small countries in general (“25 out of the 35 most
prosperous nations are small nations!”), the SNP highlights that an independent Scotland
would be the eighth richest nation in the world.
9
Explicitly in the 1999 manifesto, they
admit a desire to join the Euro as soon as effectively possible upon independence
(Scottish National Party 1999). In doing so, they clearly consider devolution as a stepping
stone to independence, not a stopping point.
In the 2000s, the SNP continues to support membership in the EU, but also reject
the possibility of a super state headquartered in Brussels (Scottish National Party 2001).
In the 2001 manifesto especially, the European Union receives much more attention than
in previous manifestos. While the “SNP stands for Scotland in Europe” and they admit
real advantages in membership, the SNP also outlines areas in which they would not
support further policy shifts to the European level, including natural resources and
taxation. Significantly, though, they pay great attention to their potential representation
effectiveness within the EU as an independent Scotland compared to a region of the UK,
in terms of Commissioners, members of the European parliament, and the Council of
9
The claims of the SNP vis -à-vis the wealth of their nation obviously depend heavily on the distribution of
oil revenue from the North Sea after independence.
Convention