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Questions of Privilege in the House: Minority Party Tools for Unity, Accountability, and Reform
Unformatted Document Text:  not required to yield to opponents, though as a matter of courtesy has usually yielded half the hour to an opponent to manage (just as the Rules Committee majority manager does during debate on special rules). In short, these three changes to the question of privilege rule recognized the increased partisan importance of the device by requiring advance notice by all but the two party leaders, and allowing the Speaker to postpone consideration for up to two days for others. The special privilege granted to the two party leaders in turn placed a special responsibility on them to manage their prerogatives in a responsible way (though it was no guarantee they would avoid a motion to table before debate began). Reform Era Questions of Privilege By most accounts, the 93rd Congress (1973-74) was the apogee of the reform era Congresses. On the one hand, Congress was credited as being resurgent vis-a-vis the Aimperial ## email not listed ## by enacting the Budget Act, the War Powers Resolution, and forcing the resignation of a president under the threat of certain impeachment by the House and likely conviction by the Senate. The other aspect of the anti-authoritarian tilt of the reform era Congresses was realization of the long-standing liberal dream of overthrowing the seniority system by which committee chairmen were automatically elevated to the top by virtue of their length of service on a committee. Consequently, the seniority system disproportionately rewarded conservative Democrats from safe southern districts. Liberals, in turn, viewed these conservative chairs as the primary obstacle to the consideration of progressive legislation. The liberal reformers succeeded at the beginning of the 93rd Congress in changing Democratic Caucus rules to require separate caucus votes on chairmanships. That Caucus rule would later be exercised by the AWatergate ## email not listed ## of the Class of 1974 (94th Congress) who ousted three long-sitting chairmen (Chairman Bob Poage of Texas at Agriculture; Chairman F. Edward Hebert of Louisiana at Armed Services; and Chairman Wright Patman of Texas at Banking and Currency). However, committee reform had its limits, as another experience of the 93rd Congress would amply demonstrate. A completely bipartisan select committee on committee reform was created at the outset of the 93rd to modernize its committee jurisdictions and procedures. The Select Committee on Committees, chaired by Rep. Richard Bolling (D-Mo.) and co-chaired by Rep. David Martin (R-Neb.) issued recommendations to the House on March 19, 1974, that involved a substantial realignment of committee jurisdictions. On May 9, the Democratic Caucus

Authors: Wolfensberger, Don.
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not required to yield to opponents, though as a matter of courtesy has usually yielded half the
hour to an opponent to manage (just as the Rules Committee majority manager does during
debate on special rules).
In short, these three changes to the question of privilege rule recognized the increased
partisan importance of the device by requiring advance notice by all but the two party leaders, and
allowing the Speaker to postpone consideration for up to two days for others. The special
privilege granted to the two party leaders in turn placed a special responsibility on them to
manage their prerogatives in a responsible way (though it was no guarantee they would avoid a
motion to table before debate began).
Reform Era Questions of Privilege
By most accounts, the 93rd Congress (1973-74) was the apogee of the reform era
Congresses. On the one hand, Congress was credited as being resurgent vis-a-vis the Aimperial
## email not listed ## by enacting the Budget Act, the War Powers Resolution, and forcing the resignation
of a president under the threat of certain impeachment by the House and likely conviction by the
Senate.
The other aspect of the anti-authoritarian tilt of the reform era Congresses was realization
of the long-standing liberal dream of overthrowing the seniority system by which committee
chairmen were automatically elevated to the top by virtue of their length of service on a
committee. Consequently, the seniority system disproportionately rewarded conservative
Democrats from safe southern districts. Liberals, in turn, viewed these conservative chairs as the
primary obstacle to the consideration of progressive legislation. The liberal reformers succeeded
at the beginning of the 93rd Congress in changing Democratic Caucus rules to require separate
caucus votes on chairmanships. That Caucus rule would later be exercised by the AWatergate
## email not listed ## of the Class of 1974 (94th Congress) who ousted three long-sitting chairmen (Chairman
Bob Poage of Texas at Agriculture; Chairman F. Edward Hebert of Louisiana at Armed Services;
and Chairman Wright Patman of Texas at Banking and Currency).
However, committee reform had its limits, as another experience of the 93rd Congress
would amply demonstrate. A completely bipartisan select committee on committee reform was
created at the outset of the 93rd to modernize its committee jurisdictions and procedures. The
Select Committee on Committees, chaired by Rep. Richard Bolling (D-Mo.) and co-chaired by
Rep. David Martin (R-Neb.) issued recommendations to the House on March 19, 1974, that
involved a substantial realignment of committee jurisdictions. On May 9, the Democratic Caucus


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