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Endnotes
1
This is not to suggest that Latinos are predisposed to view blacks as potential partners while
black animosity prevents alliances. To the contrary, research suggests that African Americans
express greater affinity for Latinos than do Latinos for blacks (Dyer, Vedlitz, and Worchel 1989;
Kaufmann 2003b; McClain and Tauber 2001; Mindiola, Niemann, and Rodriguez 2003; Tedin
and Murray 1994).
2
It has also been argued that residential integration with Latinos, by offering expanded
opportunities for social contact between the two minority groups, may help counter fears of
displacement and reduce hostility (Bobo and Johnson 2000; Oliver and Wong 2003).
3
The MCSUI sampled households using a multi-stage stratified, clustered area-probability
design, which included clusters of housing units taken disproportionately from areas with
concentrated minority populations and/or low-income households. The statistical analyses below
take these design elements into account, by using sampling weights to correct for the
disproportionality introduced by oversampling, and by using the robust variance estimator
(White 1982) to reflect the inefficiency associated with clustering.
4
The neighborhood is not the only relevant contextual unit when considering the environmental
determinants of black-Latino relations. However, for the each of the hypotheses tested here, the
neighborhood is a relevant contextual unit. The economic resources available at this level
materially affect socio-economic well-being as well as quality of life, and as such may contribute
to the feelings of vulnerability and stress at the base of out-group hostility (H1). (Neighborhood
resources are not alone in determining socio-economic mobility, as individuals likely have
access to city- or county-wide markets for jobs and education. But conditions of economic
distress within the individual’s immediate environment arguably have consequences for life
Convention