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Church in Columbus; he and other ministers traveled the state stumping for the amendment’s
passage on a “Silent No More” tour (Johnson and Mahoney, 2004: 01C; Shapiro, 2004: 6A).
Curiously absent from the media coverage of clergy involvement with Issue 1, however,
were reports concerning ministerial organizations—formal or informal gatherings of clergy that are
often ecumenical or even interfaith in character (Djupe and Niles, 2005). Previous studies of MOs in
the media suggest that these organizations stand out as sources for journalists to turn to for
commentary on salient issues and events (Djupe and Niles, 2005). Thus, the lack of media coverage
concerning ministerial organizations (MOs) and Ohio’s same-sex marriage ban is particularly
puzzling, especially given the prevalence of media coverage surrounding the amendment (and more
specifically, its proponents). Despite the historic role that MOs have had in lending a spiritual voice
to pressing social or political issues, such parachurch organizations rarely made the news as speaking
out on Issue 1 (though see Horn’s (2004) report from the infamous Talon News).
In this paper, we wish to detail the involvement of MOs in the debate over Ohio Issue 1—a
debate which, by most media accounts, elicited some kind of response from many groups within the
state, religious and secular alike. MOs are a basic part of the professional life of clergy (Djupe and
Gilbert 2003), but appeared to be strangely silent throughout a campaign that reached a fever pitch
in other arenas. Were MOs involved in the Ohio Issue 1 campaign, and if so, how? What barriers
existed to MO participation in the Issue 1 campaign? And finally, how do the answers to such
questions add to our overall understanding of MOs, religion’s role in U.S. politics, and to the study
of group politics in general?
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To answer these questions, and to reconcile the minimal Ohio Issue 1 campaign coverage of
MOs with previous scholarly accounts of MO participation in public affairs, we asked Columbus-