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Early Voting in Texas: Electoral Reform, Party Mobilization and Voter Turnout
Unformatted Document Text:  1 We assume that candidates' and parties' assessments of the utility of incorporating electoral reforms as part of their campaign mobilization strategies are likely to vary with respect to electoral and political context, e.g. competitiveness, ballot length and economic conditions. Verifying this assumption is likely an important step in better understanding the effects of electoral reforms in U.S. politics, though we do not seek to do that here. 2 Twenty-three states allow voters to ballot in-person before election day. See http://www.ncsl.org/programs/legman/elect/absentearly.htm 3 Telephone interviews were conducted with 1,047 registered voters in 110 Texas counties. Interviews were conducted by the University of Houston Center for Public Policy between September 3-10 and September 12-15. The response rate for the survey is 38% and the error rate is +/- 3% 4 We tested for the possibilities that our data are drawn from unrepresentative counties (based on their tendency to provide early voting hours) or from unrepresentative individuals (based on nine demographic, knowledge and attitudinal measures) and found no significant differences (see Appendices 1 and 2). We conclude from these findings that the sample of voters available for analysis is representative of the full sample of interviews conducted and a fair representation of the eligible 2002 Texas electorate. 5 The questions (answer) included: How may years is the Texas Governor’s term of office (four); How often does the Texas Legislature in Austin meet (every two years); Which party has the most members in the Texas State House of Representatives (Republican). Who is the majority leader of the U.S. Senate (Trent Lott); How much of a majority is required for the U.S. Senate and House of Representatives to override a presidential veto (two-thirds); Which political party has the most members in the U.S. House of Representatives (Republican). 6 The normal vote is the mean percent of the two-party vote each party received in elections for Governor, Senator and Lieutenant Governor in 1994, 1998 and 2002. 7 Because Democratic core voters are less likely to vote the Democratic Party has worked to create and expand early voting opportunities. Democrats in Texas and other states promoted early voting as a means of enhancing turnout among their core and resource-poor constituents. Not surprisingly it has been Democrats that have lobbied for more opportunities to vote early. The correlation between the normal Democratic vote in a county and the hours of early voting is r=.198 (p<.01). The correlation between the normal Republican vote in a county and the hours of early voting is r= –.205 (p < .01).

Authors: Stein, Robert., Owens, Chris. and Leighley, Jan.
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1
We assume that candidates' and parties' assessments of the utility of incorporating electoral reforms as
part of their campaign mobilization strategies are likely to vary with respect to electoral and political
context, e.g. competitiveness, ballot length and economic conditions. Verifying this assumption is
likely an important step in better understanding the effects of electoral reforms in U.S. politics, though
we do not seek to do that here.
2
Twenty-three states allow voters to ballot in-person before election day. See
3
Telephone interviews were conducted with 1,047 registered voters in 110 Texas counties. Interviews
were conducted by the University of Houston Center for Public Policy between September 3-10 and
September 12-15. The response rate for the survey is 38% and the error rate is +/- 3%
4
We tested for the possibilities that our data are drawn from unrepresentative counties (based on their
tendency to provide early voting hours) or from unrepresentative individuals (based on nine
demographic, knowledge and attitudinal measures) and found no significant differences (see
Appendices 1 and 2). We conclude from these findings that the sample of voters available for analysis
is representative of the full sample of interviews conducted and a fair representation of the eligible
2002 Texas electorate.
5
The questions (answer) included: How may years is the Texas Governor’s term of office (four); How
often does the Texas Legislature in Austin meet (every two years); Which party has the most members
in the Texas State House of Representatives (Republican). Who is the majority leader of the U.S.
Senate (Trent Lott); How much of a majority is required for the U.S. Senate and House of
Representatives to override a presidential veto (two-thirds); Which political party has the most
members in the U.S. House of Representatives (Republican).
6
The normal vote is the mean percent of the two-party vote each party received in elections for
Governor, Senator and Lieutenant Governor in 1994, 1998 and 2002.
7
Because Democratic core voters are less likely to vote the Democratic Party has worked to create and
expand early voting opportunities. Democrats in Texas and other states promoted early voting as a
means of enhancing turnout among their core and resource-poor constituents. Not surprisingly it has
been Democrats that have lobbied for more opportunities to vote early. The correlation between the
normal Democratic vote in a county and the hours of early voting is r=.198 (p<.01). The correlation
between the normal Republican vote in a county and the hours of early voting is r= –.205 (p < .01).


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