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Can the Leopard Change Its Spots? Legacy Unions in New Democracies
Unformatted Document Text:  29 The problems for the KSPI-affiliated federations that used to be in SPSI go beyond bad plant level leaders and extends up into the higher ranks of the organization. Some have weeded out old leaders but others have not, and even those that have made great strides are reluctant to take action against local officials that are corrupt. One of the most egregious examples took place in Bogor in 2003, when the tripartite wage committee voted to freeze the minimum wage in the district. One of the union members of the board from SPN (then called FSP TSK but affiliated with KSPI, not with SPSI) participated in the discussions, and when other unions in the district mobilized to reject the decision, SPN refused to participate. Activists in Bogor noted that the district leader was notoriously corrupt, yet action was only taken against him in 2005, and only after numerous PUK in the district began flirting with leaving SPN and joining a rival union. 33 In Kahutindo, it took reformists six years before they dislodged the old national leadership at the national congress in 2004. KSBSI has also been plagued by shenanigans from top officials in Jakarta that engineer national congresses in ways that prevent dissent from being expressed; their tactics are disturbingly reminiscent of tactics used by the old guard at SPSI. 34 Financially, most of the federations suffer from the same malady as SPSI—dues are held up at the plant and district level, so upper levels of the organization are usually poorly financed. New unions also have greater difficulty persuading employers to use the check-off system for collection of dues, so they often face funding problems at lower levels of the organization as well. Some of the larger federations have been successful in securing government contributions for training activities 33 Interviews with activists from Bogor in May and June 2005, as well as with SPN members in the Jabotabek region in June. In most localities, SPN activists take part in progressive coalitions like that formed in Bogor in 2003. 34 For example, at the most recent congress in 2003, rivals for leadership were eliminated through manipulating nominating procedures, putting forward fake candidates (to give the impression that the elections were actually competitive), the creation of new districts with few members that gained voting rights at the congress, and the payment of dues for supporters so that they could vote at the congress (those that did not pay dues could not vote). Interviews with SBSI officials, June and July 2003 and May 2005.

Authors: Caraway, Teri.
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29
The problems for the KSPI-affiliated federations that used to be in SPSI go beyond bad
plant level leaders and extends up into the higher ranks of the organization. Some have weeded out
old leaders but others have not, and even those that have made great strides are reluctant to take
action against local officials that are corrupt. One of the most egregious examples took place in
Bogor in 2003, when the tripartite wage committee voted to freeze the minimum wage in the
district. One of the union members of the board from SPN (then called FSP TSK but affiliated with
KSPI, not with SPSI) participated in the discussions, and when other unions in the district mobilized
to reject the decision, SPN refused to participate. Activists in Bogor noted that the district leader
was notoriously corrupt, yet action was only taken against him in 2005, and only after numerous
PUK in the district began flirting with leaving SPN and joining a rival union.
33
In Kahutindo, it took
reformists six years before they dislodged the old national leadership at the national congress in
2004. KSBSI has also been plagued by shenanigans from top officials in Jakarta that engineer
national congresses in ways that prevent dissent from being expressed; their tactics are disturbingly
reminiscent of tactics used by the old guard at SPSI.
34
Financially, most of the federations suffer from the same malady as SPSI—dues are held up
at the plant and district level, so upper levels of the organization are usually poorly financed. New
unions also have greater difficulty persuading employers to use the check-off system for collection
of dues, so they often face funding problems at lower levels of the organization as well. Some of the
larger federations have been successful in securing government contributions for training activities
33
Interviews with activists from Bogor in May and June 2005, as well as with SPN members in the
Jabotabek region in June. In most localities, SPN activists take part in progressive coalitions like that
formed in Bogor in 2003.
34
For example, at the most recent congress in 2003, rivals for leadership were eliminated through
manipulating nominating procedures, putting forward fake candidates (to give the impression that
the elections were actually competitive), the creation of new districts with few members that gained
voting rights at the congress, and the payment of dues for supporters so that they could vote at the
congress (those that did not pay dues could not vote). Interviews with SBSI officials, June and July
2003 and May 2005.


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