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Gender, Nation, Religion: The Discursive Construction of Identities in India's Democracy, 1952-1956
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Rajendra Prasad: Correspondence and Select Documents, ed. Valmiki Chaudhary (New Delhi: Allied, 1984-1995), Volumes 15-18.
28
Reba Som, “Jawaharlal Nehru and the Hindu Code: A Victory of Symbol Over Substance?” Modern Asian Studies 28:1
(February 1994), 174.
29
Devaprasad Ghosh, Lok Sabha Debates (20 December 1952), 2666. (Hereafter LSD.)
30
Dr. Radha Kumud Mookerji, Council of States Debates (9 December 1954), 1346. (Hereafter CSD.)
31
Jaswant Singh, CSD (15 May 1956), 2207.
32
Pt. S. Dube, CSD, (11 March 1954), 2524-5.
33
B. B. Sharma, CSD (23 November 1955), 378.
34
Jaswant Singh, CSD (27 November 1956), 816.
35
See B. K. Mukerjee, CSD, (11 March 1954), 2539-40; and H.C. Mathur, CSD (11 March 1954), 2865.
36
Som, 178.
37
Dr. R. K. Mookerji, CSD (23 March 1955), 2943.
38
R. C. Gupta, CSD (23 March 1955), 2925.
39
Jaswant Singh, CSD (27 November 1956), 810.
40
Jaswant Singh, CSD (30 November 1955), 2207.
41
Kishen Chand, LSD (9 December 1954), 1370.
42
This is very similar to the process whereby northern, upper-caste Hindu women were made the sites of social reform
meant ostensibly to benefit them, but in which they were the objects more than the subjects of reform and the venue for the British colonial articulation of the degeneracy of “Indian tradition.” See Lata Mani, “Contentious Traditions,” in Kumkum Sangari and Sudesh Vaid, eds. Recasting Women (New Delhi: Kali for Women, 1989). This is not, of course, to say that the conservative vision of Hindu socio-religious tradition was newly created in the 1950s or created out of nothing.
43
This was very much the same dynamic by which the discourse of nationalism and social reform had made women the
repositories of tradition and national honor—to be reclaimed and controlled by Indian men—in the nationalist movements of the late 1800s. See Partha Chatterjee, The Nation and its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993), Ch. 5.
44
Yuval-Davis, 61. This is not meant to suggest that Hindu revivalism in this period was productively categorized as
“fundamentalist.” Indeed, many scholars of Indian religion have argued that “Hindu fundamentalism” cannot exist by definition, due to the absence of any single “fundamental” or original principle, text, or revelation underpinning the Hindu religion. As such, the conservative movement of this period has been more accurately characterized as traditionalist or revivalist. Yet this distinction, while important, does not significantly alter the argument about the role of women and gender in the discursive constructions of such movements.
45
Yuval-Davis, 62-3.
46
http://parliamentofindia.nic.in
and
http://rajyasabhya.nic.in
.
47
Dr. Jaisoorya, LSD (12 May 1954), 7223.
48
K. S. Hegde, CSD (22 November 1955), 216.
49
S. N. Mazumdar, CSD (30 November 1955), 1028.
50
Smt. Parvathi Krishnan, CSD (1 October 1955), 393.
51
Dr. Smt. Seeta Parmanand, CSD (11 March 1954). English translation of Hindi speech. Appendix, Vol. VII, Annex No.
140, 345.
52
Bhikhu Parekh, Rethinking Multiculturalism: Cultural Diversity and Political Theory (Cambridge: Harvard University
Press, 2000), 192.
53
Dr. Jaisoorya, LSD (12 May 1954), 7226.
54
Dr. P. Subbarayan, LSC (11 December 1954), 1496.
55
Smt. Lakshmi Menon, CSD (1 October 1955), 5570.
56
B. K. P. Sinha, CSD (20 December 1952), 2682.
57
Krishnamurthy Rao, CSD (24 March 1955), 3035.
58
Parmanand, CSD (20 December 1952), 2685.
59
Parmanand, CSD (7 December 1954), 1084.
60
B. Gupta, CSD (8 December 1954), 1195-6.
61
B. Gupta, CSD (8 December 1954), 1196.
62
Notably, however, their arguments were distinctly different before and after the elections. Prior to the first general
elections, women political leaders were much more likely to argue that women’s rights should be enhanced for the greater good of society as a whole. After the elections and the Congress Party’s overwhelming victory, women were able to claim a mandate to carry out the reforms, and advocated the HCB primarily as a matter of gender equity. See, for example: Smt. Sucheta Kripalani, Constituent Assembly (Legislative) Debates (24 February 1949), 867-71 (Hereafter CALD); Smt. Renuka Ray, CALD (25 February 1949), 927; Kumari Padmaja Naidu, CALD (20 September 1951), 2929-30.
63
Dr. Seeta Parmanand, CSD (1 October 1955), 124.
64
Sri Rama Rao, LSD (20 December 1952), 2718.
65
B. Gupta, CSD (10 March 1954), 2314-5.
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Rajendra Prasad: Correspondence and Select Documents, ed. Valmiki Chaudhary (New Delhi: Allied, 1984-1995), Volumes
15-18.
28
Reba Som, “Jawaharlal Nehru and the Hindu Code: A Victory of Symbol Over Substance?” Modern Asian Studies 28:1
(February 1994), 174.
29
Devaprasad Ghosh, Lok Sabha Debates (20 December 1952), 2666. (Hereafter LSD.)
30
Dr. Radha Kumud Mookerji, Council of States Debates (9 December 1954), 1346. (Hereafter CSD.)
31
Jaswant Singh, CSD (15 May 1956), 2207.
32
Pt. S. Dube, CSD, (11 March 1954), 2524-5.
33
B. B. Sharma, CSD (23 November 1955), 378.
34
Jaswant Singh, CSD (27 November 1956), 816.
35
See B. K. Mukerjee, CSD, (11 March 1954), 2539-40; and H.C. Mathur, CSD (11 March 1954), 2865.
36
Som, 178.
37
Dr. R. K. Mookerji, CSD (23 March 1955), 2943.
38
R. C. Gupta, CSD (23 March 1955), 2925.
39
Jaswant Singh, CSD (27 November 1956), 810.
40
Jaswant Singh, CSD (30 November 1955), 2207.
41
Kishen Chand, LSD (9 December 1954), 1370.
42
This is very similar to the process whereby northern, upper-caste Hindu women were made the sites of social reform
meant ostensibly to benefit them, but in which they were the objects more than the subjects of reform and the venue for the
British colonial articulation of the degeneracy of “Indian tradition.” See Lata Mani, “Contentious Traditions,” in Kumkum
Sangari and Sudesh Vaid, eds. Recasting Women (New Delhi: Kali for Women, 1989). This is not, of course, to say that the
conservative vision of Hindu socio-religious tradition was newly created in the 1950s or created out of nothing.
43
This was very much the same dynamic by which the discourse of nationalism and social reform had made women the
repositories of tradition and national honor—to be reclaimed and controlled by Indian men—in the nationalist movements
of the late 1800s. See Partha Chatterjee, The Nation and its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories (Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 1993), Ch. 5.
44
Yuval-Davis, 61. This is not meant to suggest that Hindu revivalism in this period was productively categorized as
“fundamentalist.” Indeed, many scholars of Indian religion have argued that “Hindu fundamentalism” cannot exist by
definition, due to the absence of any single “fundamental” or original principle, text, or revelation underpinning the Hindu
religion. As such, the conservative movement of this period has been more accurately characterized as traditionalist or
revivalist. Yet this distinction, while important, does not significantly alter the argument about the role of women and
gender in the discursive constructions of such movements.
45
Yuval-Davis, 62-3.
46
.
47
Dr. Jaisoorya, LSD (12 May 1954), 7223.
48
K. S. Hegde, CSD (22 November 1955), 216.
49
S. N. Mazumdar, CSD (30 November 1955), 1028.
50
Smt. Parvathi Krishnan, CSD (1 October 1955), 393.
51
Dr. Smt. Seeta Parmanand, CSD (11 March 1954). English translation of Hindi speech. Appendix, Vol. VII, Annex No.
140, 345.
52
Bhikhu Parekh, Rethinking Multiculturalism: Cultural Diversity and Political Theory (Cambridge: Harvard University
Press, 2000), 192.
53
Dr. Jaisoorya, LSD (12 May 1954), 7226.
54
Dr. P. Subbarayan, LSC (11 December 1954), 1496.
55
Smt. Lakshmi Menon, CSD (1 October 1955), 5570.
56
B. K. P. Sinha, CSD (20 December 1952), 2682.
57
Krishnamurthy Rao, CSD (24 March 1955), 3035.
58
Parmanand, CSD (20 December 1952), 2685.
59
Parmanand, CSD (7 December 1954), 1084.
60
B. Gupta, CSD (8 December 1954), 1195-6.
61
B. Gupta, CSD (8 December 1954), 1196.
62
Notably, however, their arguments were distinctly different before and after the elections. Prior to the first general
elections, women political leaders were much more likely to argue that women’s rights should be enhanced for the greater
good of society as a whole. After the elections and the Congress Party’s overwhelming victory, women were able to claim a
mandate to carry out the reforms, and advocated the HCB primarily as a matter of gender equity. See, for example: Smt.
Sucheta Kripalani, Constituent Assembly (Legislative) Debates (24 February 1949), 867-71 (Hereafter CALD); Smt.
Renuka Ray, CALD (25 February 1949), 927; Kumari Padmaja Naidu, CALD (20 September 1951), 2929-30.
63
Dr. Seeta Parmanand, CSD (1 October 1955), 124.
64
Sri Rama Rao, LSD (20 December 1952), 2718.
65
B. Gupta, CSD (10 March 1954), 2314-5.
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