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Gender, Nation, Religion: The Discursive Construction of Identities in India's Democracy, 1952-1956
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Gender, Nation, Religion:
The Discursive Construction of Identities in India’s Democracy, 1952-1956
Rina Verma Williams
University of Virginia
Abstract
Current social science holds that identities are socially constructed. Yet the insights of
constructivism still have to be operationalized. Most political science studies have taken identities (whether ethnic, national, gendered, or otherwise) as independent variables, and used them to explain political outcomes. This paper reverses the causal arrow and contends that constructivism tells us that identities themselves require explanation. Accordingly, it takes identities and identity construction as dependent variables, and tries to explain how a given set of identities was constructed in one particular spatial and temporal context. Specifically, the paper examines how religious, gender, and national identities were discursively constructed in early postcolonial India, by examining legislative debates over the reform and codification of Hindu family law in the 1950s. Two key conclusions emerged from the analysis. First, the discursive construction of these different forms of identity was highly interconnected: the construction of religion and nationalism could not be understood without gender; nor could the impact of nationalism on religion and gender be captured by studying any of them in isolation. Both Hindu socio-religious tradition and secular Indian nationalism were gendered constructs: gender was constitutive of religious and national identity in this time period. Second, political factors were central to how these discursive identities were constructed, at least at three levels: the democratic political system; the state; and individual leadership. Accordingly, I suggest that identities are not just socially but politically constructed; and as such, unraveling and explaining these processes is a critical task for political science.
Introduction
It is widely espoused in current social science that identities are socially constructed.
Scholars have come explicitly to reject the assumption (if indeed they ever really espoused it) that identities are primordial—deeply rooted in our biological or physiological makeup—in any meaningful sense. For the most part, such “essentialism”—the view of identity “as a natural instinct built into the biological structure of the individual [and] a powerful force driving the thoughts and behavior of individuals”
1
—holds little sway among social scientists.
“Primordialism, never much more than a straw man, is virtually dead.”
2
Instead, we now view
identities as the products of individual and collective human agency, the social constructions of social actors. Social scientists study identities based on the premise that “their existence depends upon social practices, discourses and representations.”
3
This has been a predominant trend across
a range of disciplines, including sociology, anthropology, women’s studies, and (if latterly) political science, as well as cultural, literary, colonial, and postcolonial studies. Rogers Brubaker has argued this conception emerged from approaches as disparate as network theory, rational choice theory, and poststructuralism and postmodernism.
4
This view of identity as socially constructed has characterized recent work on a wide
variety of different forms of identity, from ethnicity and nationalism, religion and race, to gender and sexuality. “Recent years have seen…a growing attempt to demonstrate how all the key categories of human existence, such as gender, race, class, community and generation, can be shown to be socially constructed.”
5
With respect to nationalism and ethnicity, Brubaker noted
that “[n]o serious scholar today holds the view…that nations or ethnic groups are primordial,
2
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Gender, Nation, Religion:
The Discursive Construction of Identities in India’s Democracy, 1952-1956
Rina Verma Williams
University of Virginia
Abstract
Current social science holds that identities are socially constructed. Yet the insights of
constructivism still have to be operationalized. Most political science studies have taken identities (whether ethnic, national, gendered, or otherwise) as independent variables, and used them to explain political outcomes. This paper reverses the causal arrow and contends that constructivism tells us that identities themselves require explanation. Accordingly, it takes identities and identity construction as dependent variables, and tries to explain how a given set of identities was constructed in one particular spatial and temporal context. Specifically, the paper examines how religious, gender, and national identities were discursively constructed in early postcolonial India, by examining legislative debates over the reform and codification of Hindu family law in the 1950s. Two key conclusions emerged from the analysis. First, the discursive construction of these different forms of identity was highly interconnected: the construction of religion and nationalism could not be understood without gender; nor could the impact of nationalism on religion and gender be captured by studying any of them in isolation. Both Hindu socio-religious tradition and secular Indian nationalism were gendered constructs: gender was constitutive of religious and national identity in this time period. Second, political factors were central to how these discursive identities were constructed, at least at three levels: the democratic political system; the state; and individual leadership. Accordingly, I suggest that identities are not just socially but politically constructed; and as such, unraveling and explaining these processes is a critical task for political science.
Introduction
It is widely espoused in current social science that identities are socially constructed.
Scholars have come explicitly to reject the assumption (if indeed they ever really espoused it) that identities are primordial—deeply rooted in our biological or physiological makeup—in any meaningful sense. For the most part, such “essentialism”—the view of identity “as a natural instinct built into the biological structure of the individual [and] a powerful force driving the thoughts and behavior of individuals”
—holds little sway among social scientists.
“Primordialism, never much more than a straw man, is virtually dead.”
identities as the products of individual and collective human agency, the social constructions of social actors. Social scientists study identities based on the premise that “their existence depends upon social practices, discourses and representations.”
This has been a predominant trend across
a range of disciplines, including sociology, anthropology, women’s studies, and (if latterly) political science, as well as cultural, literary, colonial, and postcolonial studies. Rogers Brubaker has argued this conception emerged from approaches as disparate as network theory, rational choice theory, and poststructuralism and postmodernism.
This view of identity as socially constructed has characterized recent work on a wide
variety of different forms of identity, from ethnicity and nationalism, religion and race, to gender and sexuality. “Recent years have seen…a growing attempt to demonstrate how all the key categories of human existence, such as gender, race, class, community and generation, can be shown to be socially constructed.”
With respect to nationalism and ethnicity, Brubaker noted
that “[n]o serious scholar today holds the view…that nations or ethnic groups are primordial,
2
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