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Parliaments and Cabinets in Post-Communist States: Does Bicameralism Matter? |
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Abstract:
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Traditionally, political scientists have modeled cabinet coalition formation and government behavior based on information from the lower chamber in a legislature. With approximately one-third of the world’s parliaments adopting a bicameral structure (Tsebelis and Money 1997), the empirical tendency to exclude an upper parliamentary chamber possibly overlooks the valuable impact it has on government formation and durability. Some scholars have started to examine the nature and relevance of upper legislative bodies, but most of this research has focused on Western European parliaments (for example: Bawn 1999, Druckman and Thies 2002, Heller 1997, and Tsebelis and Money 1997). In particular, Druckman and Thies have attempted to incorporate the impact of an upper chamber into the general theory of coalition behavior. They empirically tested the impact of the upper chamber on government durability and survival and also the influence on coalition-building on ten states in Western Europe.
The goal of this paper is to apply the framework of Druckman and Thies’ article to post-communist states. Does the presence of an additional chamber influence coalition building in the Czech Republic, Poland and Romania (bicameral) more so than in a unicameral post-communist state (Bulgaria, Hungary, and Slovakia)? How does this additional chamber influence party behavior? Will parties form a super majority in the lower chamber in order to guarantee a majority in the upper? Does the presence of an additional chamber influence the durability and survival of a government coalition more than in unicameral systems? The paper explores these issues in an attempt to provide the first examination of the influence of upper chambers on the coalition-building theory as applied to post-communist states.
The paper proceeds as follows. First, I explore the literature on coalition theory generally and its applicability to post-communist Europe. Because a relevant number of post-communist states have adopted a bicameral system, I expect this should matter in the government formation process. Second, I collect data on: (1) support for coalitions in both chambers to test whether government formation and survival varying significantly from bicameral to unicameral legislatures, and (2) cabinet compositions. The information is gathered from country-specific sources because a comprehensive data set does not exist on post-communist cabinet formations and upper chamber compositions. With the data sets, I will test: (1) if the government formed included surplus parties in the lower chamber to achieve a majority in the upper chamber, (2) the relative strengths of the governments in both chambers, and (3) how upper chambers in post-communist states affect cabinet durability and survival. |
Most Common Document Word Stems:
govern (189), coalit (94), parti (80), bicamer (69), polit (63), chamber (58), 1 (53), cabinet (51), system (47), format (43), major (41), 3 (40), europ (39), polici (38), data (35), durat (35), eastern (35), central (34), 2 (34), parliamentari (33), 4 (32), |
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Association:
Name: American Political Science Association URL: http://www.apsanet.org
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Citation:
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MLA Citation:
| Wittrock, Jill. "Parliaments and Cabinets in Post-Communist States: Does Bicameralism Matter?" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Marriott Wardman Park, Omni Shoreham, Washington Hilton, Washington, DC, Sep 01, 2005 <Not Available>. 2011-03-14 <http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p42302_index.html> |
APA Citation:
| Wittrock, J. N. , 2005-09-01 "Parliaments and Cabinets in Post-Communist States: Does Bicameralism Matter?" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Marriott Wardman Park, Omni Shoreham, Washington Hilton, Washington, DC Online <PDF>. 2011-03-14 from http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p42302_index.html |
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript Review Method: Peer Reviewed Abstract: Traditionally, political scientists have modeled cabinet coalition formation and government behavior based on information from the lower chamber in a legislature. With approximately one-third of the world’s parliaments adopting a bicameral structure (Tsebelis and Money 1997), the empirical tendency to exclude an upper parliamentary chamber possibly overlooks the valuable impact it has on government formation and durability. Some scholars have started to examine the nature and relevance of upper legislative bodies, but most of this research has focused on Western European parliaments (for example: Bawn 1999, Druckman and Thies 2002, Heller 1997, and Tsebelis and Money 1997). In particular, Druckman and Thies have attempted to incorporate the impact of an upper chamber into the general theory of coalition behavior. They empirically tested the impact of the upper chamber on government durability and survival and also the influence on coalition-building on ten states in Western Europe.
The goal of this paper is to apply the framework of Druckman and Thies’ article to post-communist states. Does the presence of an additional chamber influence coalition building in the Czech Republic, Poland and Romania (bicameral) more so than in a unicameral post-communist state (Bulgaria, Hungary, and Slovakia)? How does this additional chamber influence party behavior? Will parties form a super majority in the lower chamber in order to guarantee a majority in the upper? Does the presence of an additional chamber influence the durability and survival of a government coalition more than in unicameral systems? The paper explores these issues in an attempt to provide the first examination of the influence of upper chambers on the coalition-building theory as applied to post-communist states.
The paper proceeds as follows. First, I explore the literature on coalition theory generally and its applicability to post-communist Europe. Because a relevant number of post-communist states have adopted a bicameral system, I expect this should matter in the government formation process. Second, I collect data on: (1) support for coalitions in both chambers to test whether government formation and survival varying significantly from bicameral to unicameral legislatures, and (2) cabinet compositions. The information is gathered from country-specific sources because a comprehensive data set does not exist on post-communist cabinet formations and upper chamber compositions. With the data sets, I will test: (1) if the government formed included surplus parties in the lower chamber to achieve a majority in the upper chamber, (2) the relative strengths of the governments in both chambers, and (3) how upper chambers in post-communist states affect cabinet durability and survival. |
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PDF |
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31 |
| Word count: |
7246 |
| Text sample: |
| Parliaments and Cabinets in Central and Eastern Europe: Does Bicameralism Matter? Jill N. Wittrock Department of Political Science University of Iowa jill-wittrock@uiowa.edu August 30 2005 Prepared for presentation at the APSA 2005 Annual Meeting Washington D.C. September 1-4. Please do not cite without the author’s permission. Abstract The research on parliamentary government has become one of the most fruitful endeavors in political science. However the theories and models of government formation and duration have yet to be applied systematically |
| Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% (49) (17) (66) Table 11. Measures of Association Results for the Relationship of Bicameralism on Government Duration Number of Parties and Coalition Types χ2 Cramer’s V λ Government Duration 4.71* 0.25* 0.087 Number of Parties 2.770 0.195 -- Coalition Types 1.662 0.159 0.035 *Significant at 0.10. 31 |
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