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Land, Welfare, and the Solution to Southern Spain's Agrarian Social Question
Unformatted Document Text:  1 See Los programas agrarios de los partidos politicos españoles (Madrid: Editorial Agricola Espanola, SA, 1977); Unión del Centro Democrático, La Agricultura en el Parlamento (Madrid: 1980), pp. 90-99; Equipo Agrario del PSOE, Agricultura y Socialismo (Madrid: Edicusa, 1977), pp. 54-62; Santiago Alvarez, El Partido Comunista y El Campo: La evolución del problema agrario y la posicion de los comunistas (serie Problemas del Movimiento Obrero, n. 3). (Madrid: Ediciones de la Torre, 1977). 2 See Gosta Esping-Andersen, Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990). 3 Esping-Andersen, 1990. 4 There are some exceptions here. Peter Baldwin discusses the role that rural interests played in shaping the Scandinavian welfare state. Similarly, Isabella Mares makes the claim that, historically, agricultural producers opposed policymakers’ efforts to incorporate them into social insurance programs. Peter Baldwin, The Politics of Social Solidarity ( New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Isabela Mares, The Politics of Social Risk (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003). 5 Walter Korpi, The Democratic Class Struggle (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1982); Gosta Esping-Andersen, Politics Against Markets (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985). 6 See Isabela Mares, 2003, and Margarita Estevez-Abe, Torben Iversen, and David Soskice, “Social Protection and the Formation of Skills: A Reinterpretation of the Welfare State,” in Varieties of Capitalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 7 What differs in the two accounts is the political composition of societal coalitions. Whereas the power resources school sees the modern welfare state as stemming from a cross-class coalition between, first, the agrarian and working classes and, later, the working class and the new middle classes, the employer-interests perspective sees the welfare state as the result of a cross-class coalition between segments of the business and working classes. 8 Seymour Martin Lipset and Stein Rokkan, “Cleavage structures, party systems and voter alignments: an introduction” in Lipset, S.M. and Rokkan, S. (eds.), Party Systems and Voter Alignments (New York: The Free Press, 1967). 9 Stefano Bartolini and Peter Mair. Identity, Competition and Electoral Availability: The Stabilisation of European Electorates, 1885-1985 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990). 10 See Maurizio Ferrera, Modelli di Solidarietà: Politica e riforme sociali nelle democrazie, (Bologna: Società Editrice Il Mulino, 1993) for a fascinating discussion of the constituency-building uses of social policy by Catholic and socialist parties on the European continent. Of particular interest is his argument about how patterns of political cleavages mediated the way in which parties use policy to relate to political constituencies in postwar Europe.

Authors: Watson, Sara.
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1
See Los programas agrarios de los partidos politicos españoles (Madrid: Editorial Agricola Espanola, SA, 1977); Unión
del Centro Democrático, La Agricultura en el Parlamento (Madrid: 1980), pp. 90-99; Equipo Agrario del PSOE,
Agricultura y Socialismo (Madrid: Edicusa, 1977), pp. 54-62; Santiago Alvarez, El Partido Comunista y El Campo: La
evolución del problema agrario y la posicion de los comunistas (serie Problemas del Movimiento Obrero, n. 3). (Madrid:
Ediciones de la Torre, 1977).
2
See Gosta Esping-Andersen, Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990).
3
Esping-Andersen, 1990.
4
There are some exceptions here. Peter Baldwin discusses the role that rural interests played in shaping the Scandinavian
welfare state. Similarly, Isabella Mares makes the claim that, historically, agricultural producers opposed policymakers’
efforts to incorporate them into social insurance programs. Peter Baldwin, The Politics of Social Solidarity ( New York:
Cambridge University Press, 1990); Isabela Mares, The Politics of Social Risk (New York: Cambridge University Press,
2003).
5
Walter Korpi, The Democratic Class Struggle (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1982); Gosta Esping-Andersen,
Politics Against Markets (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985).
6
See Isabela Mares, 2003, and Margarita Estevez-Abe, Torben Iversen, and David Soskice, “Social Protection and the
Formation of Skills: A Reinterpretation of the Welfare State,” in Varieties of Capitalism (New York: Oxford University
Press, 2002).
7
What differs in the two accounts is the political composition of societal coalitions. Whereas the power resources school
sees the modern welfare state as stemming from a cross-class coalition between, first, the agrarian and working classes and,
later, the working class and the new middle classes, the employer-interests perspective sees the welfare state as the result of
a cross-class coalition between segments of the business and working classes.
8
Seymour Martin Lipset and Stein Rokkan, “Cleavage structures, party systems and voter alignments: an introduction” in
Lipset, S.M. and Rokkan, S. (eds.), Party Systems and Voter Alignments (New York: The Free Press, 1967).
9
Stefano Bartolini and Peter Mair. Identity, Competition and Electoral Availability: The Stabilisation of European
Electorates, 1885-1985 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).
10
See Maurizio Ferrera, Modelli di Solidarietà: Politica e riforme sociali nelle democrazie, (Bologna: Società Editrice Il
Mulino, 1993) for a fascinating discussion of the constituency-building uses of social policy by Catholic and socialist
parties on the European continent. Of particular interest is his argument about how patterns of political cleavages mediated
the way in which parties use policy to relate to political constituencies in postwar Europe.


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