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Faith-based Providers of Urban Social Services: A Story of Niche Effectiveness
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impact each of these factors, or variables, had on the employment status of the respondents, if all of the other variables are held constant. Thus, for example, it answers the question of what was the independent impact on employment of having taken part in a faith-based welfare-to-work program if other variables, such as education, race, and gender are the same.
The results of this analysis are reported in Table 4. We considered 30 hours or more of
work a week as full-time employment. At six months there were four statistically significant relationships. Being female and being unemployed at the baseline significantly decreased one’s chances of finding full-time employment, and being unmarried significantly increased the chances of one doing so. Most interestingly for our purposes here, being in a for-profit program significantly increased one’s chances of finding full-time employment (as compared to being in a government program), even when all the other variables listed in Table 5 are held constant. Both types of faith-based programs had positive coefficient scores when compared to the government programs, but they were too small to say with confidence whether or not these scores resulted merely by chance. One cannot say with confidence that their clients were doing better at full-time employment than were the government programs. The same can be said for the nonprofit/secular programs, although their coefficient scores were ever lower than those of the faith-based programs. It is also clear that it would have been better to have had a larger number of respondents than we had in this study. Achieving statistical significance is a function of both the observed patterns and the number of respondents included in one’s study. Even when the observed patterns do not change, they are less and less likely to be have been caused by chance as the numbers of respondents included in the study increase.
TABLE 4 GOES HERE
Table 4 shows there were some changes at twelve months. Being female or unemployed
at the baseline no longer decreased one’s chances of finding employment, while being unmarried continued to increase one’s chances of finding a job. Meanwhile, being in a for-profit program continued significantly to increase one’s chances of finding full-time employment, as it did at six months. Both types of faith-based programs continued to have positive coefficient scores; both continued to fail to reach statistical significance.
These findings demonstrate the effectiveness of the for-profit programs in enabling their
clients to find full-time employment. At both the six month and twelve month interviews, even when one holds constant gender, race, baseline employment status, work-related skills (including education), marital status, and the number of dependent children, the for-profit program clients did significantly better than the government program clients in finding full-time employment. This was true of no other type of program, including the faith-based programs.
From our knowledge of these 17 programs three possible reasons suggest themselves for
this for-profit program success. One is the focused, job-training emphasis of the for-profit programs included in this study. The for-profit programs were vocational education programs, and although they had some supportive services in addition to the job skills classes, the emphasis was clearly on the hard skills training. Also, both had internship programs, which in themselves may have been a factor in their clients’ success in finding full-time employment. Second, the for-profit programs clearly felt themselves under the gun and in need of producing positive results. The use of for-profit firms to provide welfare-to-work services in Los Angeles County had been highly controversial and accompanied by high-profile newspaper stories.
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As a result
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| | Authors: Monsma, Stephen. |
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impact each of these factors, or variables, had on the employment status of the respondents, if all of the other variables are held constant. Thus, for example, it answers the question of what was the independent impact on employment of having taken part in a faith-based welfare-to-work program if other variables, such as education, race, and gender are the same.
The results of this analysis are reported in Table 4. We considered 30 hours or more of
work a week as full-time employment. At six months there were four statistically significant relationships. Being female and being unemployed at the baseline significantly decreased one’s chances of finding full-time employment, and being unmarried significantly increased the chances of one doing so. Most interestingly for our purposes here, being in a for-profit program significantly increased one’s chances of finding full-time employment (as compared to being in a government program), even when all the other variables listed in Table 5 are held constant. Both types of faith-based programs had positive coefficient scores when compared to the government programs, but they were too small to say with confidence whether or not these scores resulted merely by chance. One cannot say with confidence that their clients were doing better at full- time employment than were the government programs. The same can be said for the nonprofit/secular programs, although their coefficient scores were ever lower than those of the faith-based programs. It is also clear that it would have been better to have had a larger number of respondents than we had in this study. Achieving statistical significance is a function of both the observed patterns and the number of respondents included in one’s study. Even when the observed patterns do not change, they are less and less likely to be have been caused by chance as the numbers of respondents included in the study increase.
TABLE 4 GOES HERE
Table 4 shows there were some changes at twelve months. Being female or unemployed
at the baseline no longer decreased one’s chances of finding employment, while being unmarried continued to increase one’s chances of finding a job. Meanwhile, being in a for-profit program continued significantly to increase one’s chances of finding full-time employment, as it did at six months. Both types of faith-based programs continued to have positive coefficient scores; both continued to fail to reach statistical significance.
These findings demonstrate the effectiveness of the for-profit programs in enabling their
clients to find full-time employment. At both the six month and twelve month interviews, even when one holds constant gender, race, baseline employment status, work-related skills (including education), marital status, and the number of dependent children, the for-profit program clients did significantly better than the government program clients in finding full-time employment. This was true of no other type of program, including the faith-based programs.
From our knowledge of these 17 programs three possible reasons suggest themselves for
this for-profit program success. One is the focused, job-training emphasis of the for-profit programs included in this study. The for-profit programs were vocational education programs, and although they had some supportive services in addition to the job skills classes, the emphasis was clearly on the hard skills training. Also, both had internship programs, which in themselves may have been a factor in their clients’ success in finding full-time employment. Second, the for-profit programs clearly felt themselves under the gun and in need of producing positive results. The use of for-profit firms to provide welfare-to-work services in Los Angeles County had been highly controversial and accompanied by high-profile newspaper stories.
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