that Hansen would have predicted (their non-participation is a legacy of past discrimination, not
of self-imposed distance from the United States). Hill and Moreno, on the other hand, find a
decline in political activity (all non-electoral behaviors) among second-generation Cuban
Americans. At the time of the LNPS, however, many of the second-generation Cuban
Americans were young adults and had not reached their years of peak political involvement. Hill
and Moreno’s multivariate models hint that with age, these second-generation Cuban Americans
may be more active than their parents. Clearly, their attitudes toward American politics differ
from those of their parents. Finally, Mollenkopf, Ross, and Olson report that being of immigrant
stock dampens participation, at least in high concentration immigrant areas. Their ecological
regression methodology, however, does allow for independent measurement of the behaviors of
the second generation. Their analysis also demonstrates the need, where possible, to
disaggregate by nativity/national origin.
Scholarship on partisanship and candidate choice across immigrant generations is more
sparing. Studies of late-19
th
Century urban politics analyze the role of local political machines in
incorporating immigrants and socializing them to parties and partisan behavior. There is no
consistent story in this era about immigrant partisanship or, for that matter, ethnic group
partisanship because some machines were controlled by the Democrats and others by the
Republicans. Still others tried to still mobilization among immigrants and, consequently, their
mobilization was slow and formed in opposition to the dominant party.
Studies of turn-of-the-century immigrants find that they adopted the partisanship of their
U.S.-born co-ethnics. The period leading up to the Great Depression and the beginning of the
New Deal spurred the naturalization and electoral mobilization of many new voters, including
naturalized immigrants and their children (Lubell 1952; Campbell et al. 1960; Anderson 1979;
1996). With a large pool of new voters, existing black and ethnic voters converted to routine
19
Convention