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żSomos "Hispanics"?: Partisan Hispanic Outreach and the Question of Identity
Unformatted Document Text:  ÂżSomos “Hispanics”? Partisan Hispanic Outreach and the Question of Identity Jennifer Miller University of Michigan Abstract: Will the arrival of Hispanics as the nation’s largest minority group translate into true political clout despite the contested nature of their identity? The perception of “Hispanic” identity as one akin to an ethnicity or a race will not only determine the type of Hispanic outreach pursued by political parties, but their ultimate level of success. Using content analysis of outreach materials and interviews with political strategists, I argue that the assessment of the state of Hispanic identity by the Democratic and Republican parties decides their method of outreach. The ultimate partisan alignment of Hispanics will signify the status of “Hispanicity” based on their motivation for political mobilization on either the axes of solidarity or an adherence to a belief in the American Dream. Introduction Some political science research casts race and ethnicity as independent variables and pays little attention to the very nature or status of these labels. Conversely, other work emphasizes the flexibility of these notions (Nagel 1986). The unique and varied histories of those individuals under the panethnic classification Hispanic/Latino rightly expand the focus from just their political behavior to the condition of their identity. 1 Scholarly conceptions of Hispanic identity range from that of a race comparable to African Americans and to an ethnicity comparable to European immigrants; both American political parties perceive Hispanic identity differently. Traditionally (with the exception of Cubans), the Democratic Party received the majority of Hispanic votes and believed Hispanics to be philosophical compatriots. Conover and Feldman consider Hispanics to be part of the “reformist left” section of the Democratic Party, along with African Americans, women, and civil rights leaders (1981). Republicans, with the exception of Richard Nixon’s Hispanic outreach in 1972, were content to forfeit Hispanic support. The party positioned itself against the traditional 1 The labels “Hispanic” and “Latino” evoke political debate (Mayol 2002; L. Gonzalez 2002). For the sole purpose of clarity, I will use Hispanic. 1

Authors: Miller, Jennifer.
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¿Somos “Hispanics”?
Partisan Hispanic Outreach and the Question of Identity
Jennifer Miller
University of Michigan
Abstract:
Will the arrival of Hispanics as the nation’s largest minority group translate into true
political clout despite the contested nature of their identity? The perception of “Hispanic”
identity as one akin to an ethnicity or a race will not only determine the type of Hispanic
outreach pursued by political parties, but their ultimate level of success. Using content
analysis of outreach materials and interviews with political strategists, I argue that the
assessment of the state of Hispanic identity by the Democratic and Republican parties
decides their method of outreach. The ultimate partisan alignment of Hispanics will
signify the status of “Hispanicity” based on their motivation for political mobilization on
either the axes of solidarity or an adherence to a belief in the American Dream.
Introduction
Some political science research casts race and ethnicity as independent variables
and pays little attention to the very nature or status of these labels. Conversely, other
work emphasizes the flexibility of these notions (Nagel 1986). The unique and varied
histories of those individuals under the panethnic classification Hispanic/Latino rightly
expand the focus from just their political behavior to the condition of their identity.
Scholarly conceptions of Hispanic identity range from that of a race comparable to
African Americans and to an ethnicity comparable to European immigrants; both
American political parties perceive Hispanic identity differently.
Traditionally (with the exception of Cubans), the Democratic Party received the
majority of Hispanic votes and believed Hispanics to be philosophical compatriots.
Conover and Feldman consider Hispanics to be part of the “reformist left” section of the
Democratic Party, along with African Americans, women, and civil rights leaders (1981).
Republicans, with the exception of Richard Nixon’s Hispanic outreach in 1972, were
content to forfeit Hispanic support. The party positioned itself against the traditional
1
The labels “Hispanic” and “Latino” evoke political debate (Mayol 2002; L. Gonzalez 2002). For the sole
purpose of clarity, I will use Hispanic.
1


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