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On peoples and constitutions, sovereignty and citizenship
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the activities and functions of self-rule, through participation in constitution-making and in (at least some of) the institutions established by the constitution (e). The status of membership in this political community brings with it the rights of such participation (c). The principal virtue of citizenship is active participation in the activities of self-rule, constrained by a commitment to the common good (f). In contrasting this conception of citizenship with emerging conceptions of citizenship sketched above – global, transnational, postnational, environmental, diasporic, etc. – two elements stand out as especially divergent: (b) the boundaries of community within which the exercise of citizenship takes place and (e) the activity of citizenship as participation in self-rule understood as constitution-making for a sovereign people. The initial point of observation is purely negative: these new conceptions of citizenship do not presuppose territorial boundaries (though perhaps we might decide that the forms of community they do imagine may still warrant using the term “people”). Neither do they conceive of the activity of citizenship as aimed at realizing self-rule through the holus-bolus ofsovereignty and constitution-making. Rather, most often they seek to resist the power of dominant actors to make decisions that affect others’ fundamental interests without having to take those interests into account.
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Is it possible to articulate a single conception of citizenship that covers both these new forms of political engagement and our opening story of peoples and constitutions? If so, such a conception would have to articulate an account of (b) the boundaries of community and (e) the functions or activities of citizenship that excludes neither modern republicanism nor conceptions of global, postnational, transnational, or diasporic citizenship, the points on which the two visions diverge most markedly. Let’s begin, then, by unpacking the conception of the boundaries of community that is implicit in newly emerging ideas of citizenship. For simplicity’s sake, while acknowledging the important differences among global, cosmopolitan, transnational, postnational, environmental, and diasporic conceptions of citizenship, let’s bundle them together with a single label, say, “citizenships of globalization.” What can we say, in general, about how these ideas of citizenship conceptualize the human relationships within which individuals seek to assert political agency aimed at a common good? First and foremost, the citizenships of globalization stress relations of interdependence that exceed the boundaries of the territorial states. Many emphasize relations of interdependence that arise from global capitalism, the flows of finance, capital, consumer goods and services that elude the regulatory control of the state. Some emphasize the environmental impact of industrial production, energy and water consumption: pollution, climate change, natural resource depletion, etc. Some stress international migration and its impact upon both countries of emigration and countries of immigration, as well as the formation of new forms of cultural and political community that stretch across space. Transnational social movements of women, indigenous peoples, labor, sexual minorities
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Thus we can see them as seeking freedom in the form of non-domination, in Philip Pettit’s terms. See
Philip Pettit, Republicanism: A Theory of Freedom and Government (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 21-26.
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| | Authors: Williams, Melissa. |
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the activities and functions of self-rule, through participation in constitution-making and in (at least some of) the institutions established by the constitution (e). The status of membership in this political community brings with it the rights of such participation (c). The principal virtue of citizenship is active participation in the activities of self-rule, constrained by a commitment to the common good (f). In contrasting this conception of citizenship with emerging conceptions of citizenship sketched above – global, transnational, postnational, environmental, diasporic, etc. – two elements stand out as especially divergent: (b) the boundaries of community within which the exercise of citizenship takes place and (e) the activity of citizenship as participation in self-rule understood as constitution-making for a sovereign people. The initial point of observation is purely negative: these new conceptions of citizenship do not presuppose territorial boundaries (though perhaps we might decide that the forms of community they do imagine may still warrant using the term “people”). Neither do they conceive of the activity of citizenship as aimed at realizing self-rule through the holus-bolus of sovereignty and constitution-making. Rather, most often they seek to resist the power of dominant actors to make decisions that affect others’ fundamental interests without having to take those interests into account.
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Is it possible to articulate a single conception of citizenship that covers both these new forms of political engagement and our opening story of peoples and constitutions? If so, such a conception would have to articulate an account of (b) the boundaries of community and (e) the functions or activities of citizenship that excludes neither modern republicanism nor conceptions of global, postnational, transnational, or diasporic citizenship, the points on which the two visions diverge most markedly. Let’s begin, then, by unpacking the conception of the boundaries of community that is implicit in newly emerging ideas of citizenship. For simplicity’s sake, while acknowledging the important differences among global, cosmopolitan, transnational, postnational, environmental, and diasporic conceptions of citizenship, let’s bundle them together with a single label, say, “citizenships of globalization.” What can we say, in general, about how these ideas of citizenship conceptualize the human relationships within which individuals seek to assert political agency aimed at a common good? First and foremost, the citizenships of globalization stress relations of interdependence that exceed the boundaries of the territorial states. Many emphasize relations of interdependence that arise from global capitalism, the flows of finance, capital, consumer goods and services that elude the regulatory control of the state. Some emphasize the environmental impact of industrial production, energy and water consumption: pollution, climate change, natural resource depletion, etc. Some stress international migration and its impact upon both countries of emigration and countries of immigration, as well as the formation of new forms of cultural and political community that stretch across space. Transnational social movements of women, indigenous peoples, labor, sexual minorities
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Thus we can see them as seeking freedom in the form of non-domination, in Philip Pettit’s terms. See
Philip Pettit, Republicanism: A Theory of Freedom and Government (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 21-26.
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