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Feeling the Heat of the League? When Ideas Matter (Not)
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C. Schonhardt-Bailey, Chapter 10 – “Feeling the Heat of the League? How Local Newspapers Affected MPs’ Voting on Repeal”; 02/08/2004 Page 2 of 14
I INTRODUCTION Every chapter in this book has either directly or indirectly sought to explore the interplay between economic interests and ideas, and occasionally, the constraints and opportunities afforded to interests and ideas by relevant institutions. The premise of this book is that repeal cannot be understood without reference both to interests and ideas. But, to say that both mattered is not sufficient; rather, the task of this book has been to dissect when and under what conditions did interests, ideas, and to a lesser extent institutions, give rise to repeal. To briefly re-cap the argument thus far, three sets of actors contributed to the immediacy, and ultimately, the success of repeal. First, the Anti-Corn Law League engaged in a nationalizing the interest strategy which created support for free trade among the general public by highlighting its benefits to the wider societal welfare. This, in turn, exacerbated the demand side pressure on MPs to repeal the protectionist Corn Laws. Second, once repeal was introduced in Parliament by Prime Minister Peel, Peelites facilitated a re-interpretation of repeal that characterized it as a means to preserve the landed basis of Parliament. This allowed the Peelites to represent the interests of the nascent free trade-oriented interests in their constituencies more faithfully while at the same time, appearing to remain faithful to the ideology of Conservatism. They ultimately voted as delegates, but justified their votes in the language of disinterested trustees seeking to promote the larger national welfare. And, third, peers in the House of Lords shied away from vetoing or amending the repeal legislation because they feared that such a rejection in the face of widespread public support, backed by the support of a large majority of the Commons, would lead to more radical democratising reforms—targeted particularly at the Upper Chamber. Hence, they were not persuaded by the theories of the political economists, but rather the League convinced them that it was in their own political self-interest to support repeal. At the heart of this argument, then, lies the self-interested motivations of manufacturers, Peelites and peers. But, to say that interests were primary is not to relegate ideas to a residual category. Interests could not have prevailed without recourse to ideas. First, for the manufacturers who drove the League “machine”, ideas were fundamentally important to spreading the message of free trade among the British population, and most importantly was the core idea that free trade would benefit the whole of British society, not the interests of a select few. Or, in the words of one historian of British social history, the League argued that protection served to maintain a "privileged monopoly at the expense of the rest of the community, while the League stood for a class, and one which had the same interests as all the producers and consumers, and therefore of the whole community” (Perkin 1969: 372). And, quoting Cobden, “the middle class ‘have no interest opposed to the general good, whilst, on the contrary, the feudal governing class exists only by a violation of sound principles of political economy.’” (Perkin 1969: 372) Second, although Peelites voted more as delegates in 1846, they were clearly eager to characterize their votes as consistent with a revised interpretation of Conservatism—one in which repeal, not protection, served to protect the long-term interests of the landed aristocracy in Parliament, or the territorial constitution. Had this ideological re-interpretation of repeal not emerged, it would have been far more difficult for Peelites to “sell” their conversion to constituents (and colleagues) to whom Conservatism as an ideology was core. Third, while peers supported repeal largely in order to protect their own political privileges, it was the League’s campaign that frightened the peers into acquiescence. The League’s ability
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| | Authors: Schonhardt-Bailey, Cheryl. |
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C. Schonhardt-Bailey, Chapter 10 – “Feeling the Heat of the League? How Local Newspapers Affected MPs’ Voting on Repeal”; 02/08/2004 Page 2 of 14
I INTRODUCTION Every chapter in this book has either directly or indirectly sought to explore the interplay between economic interests and ideas, and occasionally, the constraints and opportunities afforded to interests and ideas by relevant institutions. The premise of this book is that repeal cannot be understood without reference both to interests and ideas. But, to say that both mattered is not sufficient; rather, the task of this book has been to dissect when and under what conditions did interests, ideas, and to a lesser extent institutions, give rise to repeal. To briefly re-cap the argument thus far, three sets of actors contributed to the immediacy, and ultimately, the success of repeal. First, the Anti-Corn Law League engaged in a nationalizing the interest strategy which created support for free trade among the general public by highlighting its benefits to the wider societal welfare. This, in turn, exacerbated the demand side pressure on MPs to repeal the protectionist Corn Laws. Second, once repeal was introduced in Parliament by Prime Minister Peel, Peelites facilitated a re-interpretation of repeal that characterized it as a means to preserve the landed basis of Parliament. This allowed the Peelites to represent the interests of the nascent free trade-oriented interests in their constituencies more faithfully while at the same time, appearing to remain faithful to the ideology of Conservatism. They ultimately voted as delegates, but justified their votes in the language of disinterested trustees seeking to promote the larger national welfare. And, third, peers in the House of Lords shied away from vetoing or amending the repeal legislation because they feared that such a rejection in the face of widespread public support, backed by the support of a large majority of the Commons, would lead to more radical democratising reforms—targeted particularly at the Upper Chamber. Hence, they were not persuaded by the theories of the political economists, but rather the League convinced them that it was in their own political self-interest to support repeal. At the heart of this argument, then, lies the self- interested motivations of manufacturers, Peelites and peers. But, to say that interests were primary is not to relegate ideas to a residual category. Interests could not have prevailed without recourse to ideas. First, for the manufacturers who drove the League “machine”, ideas were fundamentally important to spreading the message of free trade among the British population, and most importantly was the core idea that free trade would benefit the whole of British society, not the interests of a select few. Or, in the words of one historian of British social history, the League argued that protection served to maintain a "privileged monopoly at the expense of the rest of the community, while the League stood for a class, and one which had the same interests as all the producers and consumers, and therefore of the whole community” (Perkin 1969: 372). And, quoting Cobden, “the middle class ‘have no interest opposed to the general good, whilst, on the contrary, the feudal governing class exists only by a violation of sound principles of political economy.’” (Perkin 1969: 372) Second, although Peelites voted more as delegates in 1846, they were clearly eager to characterize their votes as consistent with a revised interpretation of Conservatism—one in which repeal, not protection, served to protect the long-term interests of the landed aristocracy in Parliament, or the territorial constitution. Had this ideological re-interpretation of repeal not emerged, it would have been far more difficult for Peelites to “sell” their conversion to constituents (and colleagues) to whom Conservatism as an ideology was core. Third, while peers supported repeal largely in order to protect their own political privileges, it was the League’s campaign that frightened the peers into acquiescence. The League’s ability
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