(Page 39 of 44) - James Madison and the Natural History of the Democratic Party authored by Robertson, David.

26. As Edmund Randolph told the Virginia ratifying convention, “Go to the Potomac, and mark what you

see. I had the mortification to see vessels within a very little distance from the Virginian shore,
belonging to Maryland, driven from our ports by the badness of our regulations” (Elliot, Debates, June
9, 1788, 3: 193).

27. RFC July 5, 1787, 1: 527; June 23, 1787, 1: 388-9; August 27, 1787, 2: 427.

28. RFC July 26, 1787, 2: 122.

29. Madison sometimes exasperated fellow Convention delegates with tedious motions to fine-tune the

rules to constrain future politicians. Late in the Convention, when the delegates considered the
provision for the pocket veto ("if any bill shall not be returned by the president within ten days
(sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him &c" ), Madison “moved to insert
between ‘after’ and ‘it,’ the words ‘the day on which’ -- in order to prevent a question whether the day
on which the bill be presented, ought to be counted or not as one of the ten days--“ (RFC September
13, 1787, 2: 608). Several members Madison described as “very impatient” called the question, and it
was defeated by a vote of three states to eight.

30. Madison recorded himself telling the Convention that “All civilized Societies would be divided into

different Sects, Factions, & interests, as they happened to consist of rich & poor, debtors & creditors,
the landed the manufacturing, the commercial interests, the inhabitants of this district, or that district,
the followers of this political leader or that political leader, the disciples of this religious sect or that
religious sect. In all cases where a majority are united by a common interest or passion, the rights of
the minority are in danger. What motives are to restrain them? A prudent regard to the maxim that
honesty is the best policy is found by experience to be as little regarded by bodies of men as by
individuals. Respect for character is always diminished in proportion to the number among whom the
blame or praise is to be divided. Conscience, the only remaining tie is known to be inadequate in
individuals: In large numbers, little is to be expected from it … What has been the source of those
unjust laws complained of among ourselves? Has it not been the real or supposed interest of the
major number? Debtors have defrauded their creditors. The landed interest has borne hard on the
mercantile interest. The Holders of one species of property have thrown a disproportion of taxes on
the holders of another species. The lesson we are to draw from the whole is that where a majority are
united by a common sentiment and have an opportunity, the rights of the minor party become
insecure” (RFC June 6, 1787, 1: 135-6).

31. “in a government modified like this of the United States, the great danger lies rather in the abuse of

the community than in the legislative body. The prescriptions in favor of liberty, ought to be leveled
against that quarter where the greatest danger lies, namely that which possesses the higher
prerogative of power: But this is not found in either the executive or legislative departments of
government, but in the body of the people, operating by the majority against the minority” (DHFFC
June 8, 1789, 10: 823).

32. JCC, November 8, 1780, 28: 1033-5; February 3, 1781, 29: 112-13; May 2, 1781, 20: 469-71; “Notes

on Debates,” December 4, 1782, in PJM 5: 363; Madison to James Monroe, August 7, 1785, in PJM
8: 333-6; “Debates and Resolutions Related to the Regulation of Commerce by Congress,” PJM 8:
404-10, 413-15; Madison to James Monroe, December 30, 1785, PJM 8: 431-32; “Notes on Debate
on Commercial Regulations by Congress,” PJM: 8: 431-32; Madison to Thomas Jefferson, January
22, 1786, in PJM 8: 472-82; Madison to Thomas Jefferson, August 12, 1786, in PJM 9: 96; “The
Annapolis Convention,” PJM, 9: 116; Ferguson, The Power of the Purse and “The Nationalists of
1781-1783 and the Economic Interpretation of the Constitution,” Journal of American History 56:2
(September, 1969): 241-61; Banning, The Sacred Fire of Liberty, pp. 13-42, 54-5, 72.

33. PJM 9: 370; 317-22, 382-87; RFC June 28, 1787, 1: 447; August 13, 1787, 2: 276; August 28, 1787,

2: 442; September 15, 1787, 2: 625.