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civil rights, and resources, while disavowing secessionist claims. Growing inequalities,
intensifying sectional identities, and escalating protest were strongly influenced by the nature of
the authoritarian regime. As more groups in the region became politically assertive, the idea of a
“Niger Delta” identity came into sharper focus.
Nigeria’s latest experiment with democracy has not significantly assuaged the grievances
among ethnic communities of the Niger Delta. The democratic system inaugurated in 1999 has
allowed for the election of representatives at the local, state, and national levels, and the new
constitution increases the share of oil revenues allotted to the communities of the Delta.
President Obasanjo’s government also created a Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC)
to oversee economic development in the region. Yet the restiveness of the oil producing
communities has not abated, as evident in continual hostage-taking of oil company employees,
sabotage of petroleum facilities, and periodic clashes with government security forces. Punitive
violence by the army has aggravated tensions, and recurrent conflict among communities of the
Delta is an additional source of instability. There has been a palpable arc of instability in the
Delta over the past five years. Unrest was initially high at the time of the democratic transition,
and then abated for a considerable time before escalating again during the 2003 election season.
The sporadic conflict in the area raise questions about the political factors that assuage or
aggravate identity, mobilization, and violence.
Examining Public Attitudes in the Niger Delta
The data presented here was collected in three surveys conducted in Nigeria by the
Afrobarometer research network. Since 1999 the Afrobarometer has conducted public attitude
Convention