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Obedecieron y Cumplieron? The Impact of the Gender Quota Law in Mexico
Unformatted Document Text:  40 Endnotes 1 I am grateful to many people who read drafts and offered comments on this paper, particularly Mark P. Jones, John M. Carey, and Georgina Waylen. This research drawsfrom interviews I conducted with party officials and legislators in Mexico in July 2002and May 2003, as well as analysis of media coverage, ballots, voting data and electoralresults. 2 Eleven parties competed in the election, but the PRD, PRI and PAN won nearly all of the seats in Congress. 3 For a comprehensive study of women’s involvement in Mexican politics, see Victoria E. Rodríguez, Women in Contemporary Mexican Politics (Austin: University of TexasPress, 2003). 4 In cases of uncertainty, I “googled” the names for more information. I also had native Spanish speakers and experts on Mexican elections code the candidate lists separately. 5 Complete data for SMD candidates are not available on the website of the Federal Electoral Institute. 6 The text of the law reads thus: “en caso de reincidencia se sancionará con la negativa del registro de las candidaturas correspondientes.” CITE LAW 7 COMPARE TO ARG DATA FROM MARK. 8 Instituto Federal Electoral, Orden Del Día, Consejo General, Sesión Especial (April 18, 2003a [cited August 20 2003]); available from www.ife.org.mx. 9 The PRI appointed women in the 5 th district in Baja California and the 11 th district in Michoacán; neither candidate won. 10 ADD INFO ON ORN ETC. BY APPTS VS PRIMS 11 ADD MORE ON THE IFE 12 For one illustration of Woldenberg’s views, see review he wrote for the feminist magazine Debate Feminista, of a book titled Women and Elections: A New Climate forParticipation. 13 ADD CITES 14 INSERT IFE QUOTE 15 This term refers to people chosen to attend a party conference who have committed to voting for a particular candidate. 16 I need to rephrase the way I pose this question. I have framed my requests for interviews in terms of my focus on gender quotas. I suspect that many, particularly men,have interpreted my questions about gender quotas differently from the way I intended.From the answers I tend to get I figure what they hear is something like this: “Of courseyou do support the promotion of women in elective office, don’t you?” On my nextround of interviews I plan to pose my questions more agnostically, about “reforms tocandidate selection procedures.” 17 Cimacnoticias.com, April 4, 2003. 18 For an excellent analysis of the significance of primaries for the PRI, see Alejandro Poiré, "Bounded Ambitions. Party Nominations, Discipline and Defection: Mexico's PRIin Comparative Perspective" (Ph.D. Dissertation, Harvard University, 2002). 19 Interview with IFE Councilor Jacqueline Peschard, Mexico City, May 28, 2004.

Authors: Baldez, Lisa.
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background image
40
Endnotes
1
I am grateful to many people who read drafts and offered comments on this paper,
particularly Mark P. Jones, John M. Carey, and Georgina Waylen. This research draws
from interviews I conducted with party officials and legislators in Mexico in July 2002
and May 2003, as well as analysis of media coverage, ballots, voting data and electoral
results.
2
Eleven parties competed in the election, but the PRD, PRI and PAN won nearly all of
the seats in Congress.
3
For a comprehensive study of women’s involvement in Mexican politics, see Victoria E.
Rodríguez, Women in Contemporary Mexican Politics (Austin: University of Texas
Press, 2003).
4
In cases of uncertainty, I “googled” the names for more information. I also had native
Spanish speakers and experts on Mexican elections code the candidate lists separately.
5
Complete data for SMD candidates are not available on the website of the Federal
Electoral Institute.
6
The text of the law reads thus: “en caso de reincidencia se sancionará con la negativa del
registro de las candidaturas correspondientes.” CITE LAW
7
COMPARE TO ARG DATA FROM MARK.
8
Instituto Federal Electoral, Orden Del Día, Consejo General, Sesión Especial (April 18,
2003a [cited August 20 2003]); available from www.ife.org.mx.
9
The PRI appointed women in the 5
th
district in Baja California and the 11
th
district in
Michoacán; neither candidate won.
10
ADD INFO ON ORN ETC. BY APPTS VS PRIMS
11
ADD MORE ON THE IFE
12
For one illustration of Woldenberg’s views, see review he wrote for the feminist
magazine Debate Feminista, of a book titled Women and Elections: A New Climate for
Participation.
13
ADD CITES
14
INSERT IFE QUOTE
15
This term refers to people chosen to attend a party conference who have committed to
voting for a particular candidate.
16
I need to rephrase the way I pose this question. I have framed my requests for
interviews in terms of my focus on gender quotas. I suspect that many, particularly men,
have interpreted my questions about gender quotas differently from the way I intended.
From the answers I tend to get I figure what they hear is something like this: “Of course
you do support the promotion of women in elective office, don’t you?” On my next
round of interviews I plan to pose my questions more agnostically, about “reforms to
candidate selection procedures.”
17
Cimacnoticias.com, April 4, 2003.
18
For an excellent analysis of the significance of primaries for the PRI, see Alejandro
Poiré, "Bounded Ambitions. Party Nominations, Discipline and Defection: Mexico's PRI
in Comparative Perspective" (Ph.D. Dissertation, Harvard University, 2002).
19
Interview with IFE Councilor Jacqueline Peschard, Mexico City, May 28, 2004.


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