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Land and Territorial Politics in Côte d`Ivoire
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38
Such analyses would underscore, at a very general level, that (1)
some core-periphery linkages are far more robust than others, (2) that
there are different disintegration scenarios, and that they are often
conditioned by the way that institutional linkage occurred in the first
place, and (3) some “local states” do have a capacity to provide public
goods (such as order), and perhaps conditions conducive to expanded
agricultural production, at the regional/local level, but many do not.
38
Open economics seems almost guaranteed to fan the flames of a
competitive territorial politics that may further compromise the
national state. The fate of the nation, so to speak, may be determined
at the sub-national level.
Daviron, “Small Farm Production and the Standardization of Tropical Products,”a paper presented at the 2001 meetings of the African Studies Association,Houston, TX, November 2001 (also forthcoming in Journal of Agrarian Change,2002 or 2003; P. Raikes and P. Gibbon, “Globalization and African ExportAgriculture,” J. of Peasant Studies, 27(2), 2000: 50-93.
38
However, the management of tensions between localities remains a job that
will require agreed-upon procedures and third-party mediators that localitiesthemselves may not be able to provide -- that is, management of inter-localrelations will require a central state. Also, the constitution of localitiesas coherent, self-governing communities may involve political strategies thatviolate basic commitments/norms/principles that should be upheld, in the lastinstance, by the center. For example, localities may try to opt for ethnicpurificaition or other strategies to reduce the number of claimants oncommunity resources and entitlements. If the center does not enforceprohibtions on ethnic cleansing or other expulsions, who will? There is nomeaning to the concept of “national citizenship” without a strong center.
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| | Authors: Boone, Catherine. |
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38
Such analyses would underscore, at a very general level, that (1)
some core-periphery linkages are far more robust than others, (2) that
there are different disintegration scenarios, and that they are often
conditioned by the way that institutional linkage occurred in the first
place, and (3) some “local states” do have a capacity to provide public
goods (such as order), and perhaps conditions conducive to expanded
agricultural production, at the regional/local level, but many do not.
38
Open economics seems almost guaranteed to fan the flames of a
competitive territorial politics that may further compromise the
national state. The fate of the nation, so to speak, may be determined
at the sub-national level.
Daviron, “Small Farm Production and the Standardization of Tropical Products,”
a paper presented at the 2001 meetings of the African Studies Association,
Houston, TX, November 2001 (also forthcoming in Journal of Agrarian Change,
2002 or 2003; P. Raikes and P. Gibbon, “Globalization and African Export
Agriculture,” J. of Peasant Studies, 27(2), 2000: 50-93.
38
However, the management of tensions between localities remains a job that
will require agreed-upon procedures and third-party mediators that localities
themselves may not be able to provide -- that is, management of inter-local
relations will require a central state. Also, the constitution of localities
as coherent, self-governing communities may involve political strategies that
violate basic commitments/norms/principles that should be upheld, in the last
instance, by the center. For example, localities may try to opt for ethnic
purificaition or other strategies to reduce the number of claimants on
community resources and entitlements. If the center does not enforce
prohibtions on ethnic cleansing or other expulsions, who will? There is no
meaning to the concept of “national citizenship” without a strong center.
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