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Managing the Transatlantic Gap: The Rise of Spain
Among the many frustrations plaguing Western countries as they struggle against
global economic difficulties and international terrorism is the transatlantic gap in material
capabilities. Every few months or so when NATO or European Union ministers gather,
they have the opportunity to bemoan disparities in investment and technology that are
critical for shaping the international environment.
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In the 1990s, the United States took
the lead from Europe in brokering the Dayton Peace Accords, which reconstituted
Bosnia. Four years later, the United States shouldered 80% of the combat sorties as
precision bombs and missiles neutralized Yugoslavian air defense systems, attacked
infrastructure, harassed ground forces and ultimately wrested Kosovo from Belgrade’s
control. Shortly after the September 11
th
attacks, US forces openly weighed the costs
against the benefits of slowing down to include more European allies in a series of
attacks and sieges that swept the Taliban from power in Afghanistan. Finally, in 2003,
using one fifth of the troops involved in the Gulf War and substantial assistance this time
only from the British, US Army and Marine divisions hopped across the desert and
routed the Iraqi Army from Baghdad in three weeks. For observers on both sides of the
Atlantic, US material capabilities keep growing while US willingness to accommodate
allies steadily diminishes.
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On the other hand, after major combat in Bosnia, Kosovo and Afghanistan, the
allied contribution increased over time. In Afghanistan, for example, European NATO
countries took the lead in peacekeeping in order to free the United States for tracking
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De Wijk (2003); Schmitt (2003).
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Recently, Secretary of State Colin Powell felt the need to defend the Bush administration’s record on
cooperation in Foreign Affairs (Powell, 2004).
Convention