4
2001 and 2002, as many developed economies slowed, Spain still managed to stay ahead
of both the United States and the European Union average. In fact, several observers
mark the change further back, from the end of Francisco Franco’s authoritarian rule.
They see a renaissance that has energized business, democratic politics, culture, and not
least, Spain’s role in the world.
6
Despite impressive accomplishments, Spain remains outside the club of
traditional European powers. Its gross domestic product, though sizeable by global
standards, lags behind that of Germany, France, Britain and Italy. Defense spending and
public investment in research and development reveal an even larger gap. Such
aggregate figures often bolster claims of a debilitating capabilities deficit. Yet, Spanish
participation in geopolitical affairs, and especially in the transatlantic relationship, has
been more consequential than those overarching statistics imply.
This essay explores the reasons behind Spain’s facility for managing the
transatlantic gap without the advantage of deep pockets. Potential lessons from Spain’s
approach for new members of NATO and the European Union are identified with
emphasis on the role institutions have played in moving outcomes beyond what standard
capability figures suggest. In order to better understand what the future may hold for
Spain’s newfound influence, this analysis also accounts for vulnerabilities in the Spanish
position. Still, in the current international system—with a single dominant power in
conventional military terms but a multipolar distribution in several other dimensions—
raw material capability is not the only means for altering the course of events. Spain
represents a small state with a recent knack for applying sophisticated instruments at the
right place and time. Without literally closing the transatlantic gap in spending, Spain
6
ABC (2004b); McGuire (2004); New York Times-Special Advertising Section (2004); Vinocur (2003).
Convention