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Race, Concentrated Poverty, and Information Technology
Unformatted Document Text:  concentrated poverty (only 49% of the population with a high school diploma) is predicted to use the Internet from home 30% less than the same individual who resides in an area with average educational attainment. This suggests that concentrated poverty and educational opportunities in communities shape use of the Internet in America, beyond individual-level factors. Conclusion The use of multilevel modeling allowed us to test the influence of place as well as individual characteristics in shaping digital inequalities. This has yielded a more complete and accurate model of the factors that account for systematic differences in technology access and use – recasting our conception of the “digital divide.” Introducing environmental variables has also extended the research on the impact of concentrated poverty and racial segregation, and the geography of disadvantage. As a result of this study, we have a better understanding of how race is linked to technology access and use. Previous research based on survey data and individual demographic variables alone found that race and ethnicity (as well as income, age, and education) were statistically significant for determining access and skill (Mossberger, Tolbert and Stansbury 2003; Lenhart 2003, Bimber 2003; US Department of Commerce 2002; Neu, Anderson and Bikson 1999). When we control for community income and educational attainment, however, ethnicity (for Latinos) is still significant for access, but race (for African-Americans) is not. Community educational attainment is a significant determinant of technology use, again trumping the role of race (but not ethnicity) in explaining technology disparities. Concentrated poverty and differences in exposure to technology therefore account for disparities that at first glance seemed to be due to race. This finding explains the paradox that appeared in prior research – the notably positive attitudes toward technology that African-Americans expressed, despite their lower rates of access and skill. The consistency with which African-Americans connected the issue of technology 29

Authors: Mossberger, Karen., Tolbert, Caroline. and Gilbert, Michele.
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concentrated poverty (only 49% of the population with a high school diploma) is predicted to use
the Internet from home 30% less than the same individual who resides in an area with average
educational attainment. This suggests that concentrated poverty and educational opportunities in
communities shape use of the Internet in America, beyond individual-level factors.
Conclusion
The use of multilevel modeling allowed us to test the influence of place as well as
individual characteristics in shaping digital inequalities. This has yielded a more complete and
accurate model of the factors that account for systematic differences in technology access and
use – recasting our conception of the “digital divide.” Introducing environmental variables has
also extended the research on the impact of concentrated poverty and racial segregation, and the
geography of disadvantage.
As a result of this study, we have a better understanding of how race is linked to
technology access and use. Previous research based on survey data and individual demographic
variables alone found that race and ethnicity (as well as income, age, and education) were
statistically significant for determining access and skill (Mossberger, Tolbert and Stansbury
2003; Lenhart 2003, Bimber 2003; US Department of Commerce 2002; Neu, Anderson and
Bikson 1999). When we control for community income and educational attainment, however,
ethnicity (for Latinos) is still significant for access, but race (for African-Americans) is not.
Community educational attainment is a significant determinant of technology use, again
trumping the role of race (but not ethnicity) in explaining technology disparities. Concentrated
poverty and differences in exposure to technology therefore account for disparities that at first
glance seemed to be due to race.
This finding explains the paradox that appeared in prior research – the notably positive
attitudes toward technology that African-Americans expressed, despite their lower rates of access
and skill. The consistency with which African-Americans connected the issue of technology
29


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