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Campaign Finance in Municipal Elections: Evidence from Three Cities
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Campaign Finance in Municipal Elections: Evidence from Three Cities
The literature on campaign finance in national elections is substantial: we know a
great deal about the role of money, patterns of fundraising, and the characteristics of contributors to presidential and congressional campaigns (Jacobson 2004; Goidel and Shields 1999; Gross and Goidel 2003; Thompson and Moncrief 1998). Yet our knowledge of campaign finance in local elections in thin. Are local elections simply smaller versions of national and state elections, or do they exhibit unique characteristics in how candidates raise and spend money?
In this exploratory study, we focus on one particular aspect of local campaign
finance: what does it take to win a local election? Using data from city council races in three Western U.S. cities—Los Angeles, San Francisco, and Seattle—we examine how much money candidates need to raise in order to win a city council seat and, more generally, the relationship between fundraising and electoral success.
The three cities exhibited significantly different patterns of campaign finance, due
in part to divergent electoral rules, size of cities and districts, and the number of city council seats. The number and nature of our data place inherent limitations on the conclusions we can draw, yet our analysis suggests that the differences in district size and rules governing runoff elections influence both the cost of elections and the safety of incumbents. The strength of incumbency also varied among cities, although all incumbents usually won re-election, a pattern similar to that found in national and state elections [REPHRASE?]. Open seat races, where no incumbent ran, presented the greatest opportunity for competitive elections. Elections were the most expensive in Los Angeles, featuring incumbents who are prolific fundraisers and the safest among all three cities. San Francisco elections were less expensive and incumbents were less secure than in Los Angeles, while Seattle’s city council races were the least expensive and seats were the most accessible to challengers. In general, Los Angeles more closely resembled races on the state and national levels, while San Francisco and Seattle did not. This suggests the hypothesis that while elections in large cities are similar to national and state elections, as cities get smaller they develop unique characteristics that separate them from elections in other jurisdictions.
Literature Review
One strand in the literature on campaign finance in local elections has explored
patterns of contributions to local candidates. Similar to state and federal elections, incumbents have a significant advantage in fundraising at the local level (Krebs 2001; Fleishmann and Stein 1998; Strachan 2003, 77-78). Part of this incumbency advantage may be the result of the likelihood of incumbent re-election. Fuchs, Adler and Mitchell (2000), based on a study of the 1989 New York City mayoral election, found as the race tightened (and the outcome became less certain) contributions increased to both candidates. They conclude that contributors are more likely to contribute to a candidate that has a good chance of winning, and thus a candidate’s ability to raise money is related to his or her probability of victory.
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| | Authors: Van Vechten, Renee. and Adams, Brian. |
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1
Campaign Finance in Municipal Elections: Evidence from Three Cities
The literature on campaign finance in national elections is substantial: we know a
great deal about the role of money, patterns of fundraising, and the characteristics of contributors to presidential and congressional campaigns (Jacobson 2004; Goidel and Shields 1999; Gross and Goidel 2003; Thompson and Moncrief 1998). Yet our knowledge of campaign finance in local elections in thin. Are local elections simply smaller versions of national and state elections, or do they exhibit unique characteristics in how candidates raise and spend money?
In this exploratory study, we focus on one particular aspect of local campaign
finance: what does it take to win a local election? Using data from city council races in three Western U.S. cities—Los Angeles, San Francisco, and Seattle—we examine how much money candidates need to raise in order to win a city council seat and, more generally, the relationship between fundraising and electoral success.
The three cities exhibited significantly different patterns of campaign finance, due
in part to divergent electoral rules, size of cities and districts, and the number of city council seats. The number and nature of our data place inherent limitations on the conclusions we can draw, yet our analysis suggests that the differences in district size and rules governing runoff elections influence both the cost of elections and the safety of incumbents. The strength of incumbency also varied among cities, although all incumbents usually won re-election, a pattern similar to that found in national and state elections [REPHRASE?]. Open seat races, where no incumbent ran, presented the greatest opportunity for competitive elections. Elections were the most expensive in Los Angeles, featuring incumbents who are prolific fundraisers and the safest among all three cities. San Francisco elections were less expensive and incumbents were less secure than in Los Angeles, while Seattle’s city council races were the least expensive and seats were the most accessible to challengers. In general, Los Angeles more closely resembled races on the state and national levels, while San Francisco and Seattle did not. This suggests the hypothesis that while elections in large cities are similar to national and state elections, as cities get smaller they develop unique characteristics that separate them from elections in other jurisdictions.
Literature Review
One strand in the literature on campaign finance in local elections has explored
patterns of contributions to local candidates. Similar to state and federal elections, incumbents have a significant advantage in fundraising at the local level (Krebs 2001; Fleishmann and Stein 1998; Strachan 2003, 77-78). Part of this incumbency advantage may be the result of the likelihood of incumbent re-election. Fuchs, Adler and Mitchell (2000), based on a study of the 1989 New York City mayoral election, found as the race tightened (and the outcome became less certain) contributions increased to both candidates. They conclude that contributors are more likely to contribute to a candidate that has a good chance of winning, and thus a candidate’s ability to raise money is related to his or her probability of victory.
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