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Identity, Perceptions of Discrimination and Political Engagement: The Causes and Consequences of Reactive Identity Among Latinos
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Identity, perceptions of discrimination, and political engagement:
The causes and consequences of reactive ethnicity among Latinos
It hardly needs to be said anymore that the U.S. has experienced dramatic population
changes over the past several decades. Two aspects of these changes have received the most attention from observers and scholars alike. The first is the overall level of immigration. The Census Bureau estimates that the U.S. population is now 11.5% foreign born (Schmidley, 2003), a proportion not reached in roughly 100 years. The second is the changing face of immigration. The overwhelming majority of immigrants arriving in the U.S. today come from Latin American and Asian countries rather than from Europe. Today, for example, the size of the Latino population in the U.S. matches the size of the African American population. The image of “the immigrant” has become distinctly non-white.
In light of these population trends, it has become increasingly important to consider
whether, when, and how ethnic minorities and immigrants come to think of themselves as full members of the American political community and what the political implications are for the different types of identity choices they make. The present study focuses on one of the many factors that can affect self-identification: perceived treatment by the host society. More specifically, it investigates how perceptions of discrimination against oneself and against one’s ethnic group affect whether people see themselves as Americans and what, if any, the political consequences are if people maintain strong emotional and cognitive ties to their countries of origin. The potential political consequences examined here concern political engagement, including political participation and opinions about the trustworthiness and responsiveness of American government and elected officials. From all corners, we hear many a lamentation that Americans fail to live up to their civic duties and that they lack trust in, and esteem for, their elected representatives. Many reasons abound, but as the nation’s population becomes less white, we need to consider the roles that self-identification and perceived treatment by the dominant society might play in affecting whether people carry out their civic responsibilities and have faith in the political process. Identity formation causes and consequences
Vigorous debates rage on about whether patriotism, love of one’s country, and a strong
sense of national identity are harmful or beneficial to individuals, groups, nations, and the international community. Both sides in this debate make valid claims. On the one hand, having a strong attachment to one’s country can lead to hostility toward outsiders, to feelings of superiority, and to uncritical support for the policies and actions of one’s government. At the same time, possessing strong national attachments can also lead to greater willingness to make sacrifices for the public good, to obey laws and pay taxes, and to engage in more civic-minded behavior (e.g., de Figueiredo & Elkins, 2003; Druckman, 1994; Furia, 2002; Schatz, Staub, & Lavine, 1999; Sullivan, Fried, & Dietz, 1992; Theiss-Morse, 2003; Theiss-Morse, 2004).
Determining how to cultivate the benefits of strong national identities while mitigating
the harms is an important political project, though not the one pursued here. Rather, I simply posit that there are valid reasons to believe it is desirable for all citizens, be they recent arrivals
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| | Authors: Schildkraut, Deborah. |
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Identity, perceptions of discrimination, and political engagement:
The causes and consequences of reactive ethnicity among Latinos
It hardly needs to be said anymore that the U.S. has experienced dramatic population
changes over the past several decades. Two aspects of these changes have received the most attention from observers and scholars alike. The first is the overall level of immigration. The Census Bureau estimates that the U.S. population is now 11.5% foreign born (Schmidley, 2003), a proportion not reached in roughly 100 years. The second is the changing face of immigration. The overwhelming majority of immigrants arriving in the U.S. today come from Latin American and Asian countries rather than from Europe. Today, for example, the size of the Latino population in the U.S. matches the size of the African American population. The image of “the immigrant” has become distinctly non-white.
In light of these population trends, it has become increasingly important to consider
whether, when, and how ethnic minorities and immigrants come to think of themselves as full members of the American political community and what the political implications are for the different types of identity choices they make. The present study focuses on one of the many factors that can affect self-identification: perceived treatment by the host society. More specifically, it investigates how perceptions of discrimination against oneself and against one’s ethnic group affect whether people see themselves as Americans and what, if any, the political consequences are if people maintain strong emotional and cognitive ties to their countries of origin. The potential political consequences examined here concern political engagement, including political participation and opinions about the trustworthiness and responsiveness of American government and elected officials. From all corners, we hear many a lamentation that Americans fail to live up to their civic duties and that they lack trust in, and esteem for, their elected representatives. Many reasons abound, but as the nation’s population becomes less white, we need to consider the roles that self-identification and perceived treatment by the dominant society might play in affecting whether people carry out their civic responsibilities and have faith in the political process. Identity formation causes and consequences
Vigorous debates rage on about whether patriotism, love of one’s country, and a strong
sense of national identity are harmful or beneficial to individuals, groups, nations, and the international community. Both sides in this debate make valid claims. On the one hand, having a strong attachment to one’s country can lead to hostility toward outsiders, to feelings of superiority, and to uncritical support for the policies and actions of one’s government. At the same time, possessing strong national attachments can also lead to greater willingness to make sacrifices for the public good, to obey laws and pay taxes, and to engage in more civic-minded behavior (e.g., de Figueiredo & Elkins, 2003; Druckman, 1994; Furia, 2002; Schatz, Staub, & Lavine, 1999; Sullivan, Fried, & Dietz, 1992; Theiss-Morse, 2003; Theiss-Morse, 2004).
Determining how to cultivate the benefits of strong national identities while mitigating
the harms is an important political project, though not the one pursued here. Rather, I simply posit that there are valid reasons to believe it is desirable for all citizens, be they recent arrivals
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