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knowledge contributes to increased levels of participation (Niemi and Junn 1998;
Torney-Purta et al, 2000; and Delli-Carpini and Keeter 1996). Surprisingly, however,
researchers have just begun to address the impact of varied civic education practices and
approaches (Niemi 2000).
Our research builds on two premises for improving the effectiveness of civic
education efforts. First, America’s youngest cohorts have been socialized at a time of
declining associational life and are less apt to learn how to participate within groups
(Putnam 2000). At the same time, they are inundated with messages about participating
via individual political activities while collective means receive far less emphasis. An
important contributor to this emphasis is the dominant role of individualism in American
political culture (Bellah et al. 1986; Hui 1988, Markus and Kitayama 1991; Moghaddan,
Taylor and Wright 1993; and Bricker 1989). Yet since political activities undertaken in
isolation rather than via collective action fail to yield political influence, young people’s
limited sense of political efficacy should, perhaps, come as no surprise.
Second, exposure to lectures about collective action is not apt to generate political
participation if young people do not know how to undertake it. Students also need the
opportunity to hone practical participatory skills. Communication skills are particularly
relevant to collective political participation. The interpersonal skills of negotiation and
compromise are required to develop a collective position, while persuasive public
speaking is essential for stirring others to action. Nie and Hillygus (2001), for example,
find a link between verbal skills and political participation. Hence students need to
Convention