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A Comparison of Critical Information Infrastructure Protection in the United States and Germany: An Institutional Perspective
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and associations. Their focus is the governance of and within industry sectors; for this purpose, they develop a typology of the American economy in terms of technological complexity and size. In this typology, a mix of governance mechanisms prevails, which is constrained not only by size and technology, but also by general political and institutional factors. Among those factors are the pattern of inter- and intra-industry competitiveness, the relatively low capacity for collective (associational) action, and the selective strength of the state.
The elaborate version of these public-private arrangements, corporatism, is particularly prevalent in Europe, and has been prominently defined by Philippe Schmitter, again:
“a system of interest representation in which the constituent units are organized into a limited number of singular, compulsory, non-competitive, hierarchically ordered and functionally differentiated categories, recognized or licensed (if not created) by the state and granted a deliberate representational monopoly within their respective categories in exchange for observing certain controls on their selection of leaders and articulation of demands and supports” (Schmitter, 1974: 13).
This type of institutionalized interest representation has created a specific mechanism of coordination and cooperation that goes above and beyond articulation. It defines roles and responsibilities towards capital and labor resources in a particular industry in the context of the larger public and national interest. Corporatism was designed inter alia to mitigate the disturbances created by fluctuations in the capital and labor markets that endanger the stability of the established economic order and, by association, the political system
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. It can be argued that global threats to CII industries cause similar disturbances,
in particular if in addition to capital and labor, knowledge is seen as a third resource of wealth (Drucker, 1992); (Bell, 1976).
From an international comparative point of view, which is part of this paper, the question is also whether corporatist arrangements can transcend their particular national context. Ottaway has tried to explore the general possibility of a global version of corporatism, arguing that current modes of coordination in international issues indeed resemble the long-established European model of tripartite cooperation (Ottaway, 2000). In contrast, Cutler et al. contend that domestic corporatism cannot be replicated on the international level because of lack of a concise definition of responsibilities. On the other hand, they concede that the scale and scope of public-private institutional cooperation can relate directly to certain political systems. Countries with a considerable level of corporatist arrangements seem particularly willing to delegate power to international treaty and non-governmental organizations (Cutler, Haufler, & Porter, 1999).
For the legitimate or legitimized, often historically derived influence of firms (or groups of firms) on international economic governance, the same autors have coined the term ‘private authority’. They define private authority as the decision-making power over a particular issue area that is regarded as legitimate and/or appropriate even in the absence of government (Cutler et al., 1999). The ultimate basis of international private authority, then, is pure interfirm cooperation, ranging from informal industry norms and practices,
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This very function is what sets European-style corporatism apart from the Anglo-American tradition and
understanding of state and industry in a free market economy. In addition, there are general reservations regarding corporatism since parts of the concept originate and were closely linked to the fascist regimes of the 1930s (Luebbert, 1987).
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| | Authors: Pommerening, Christine. |
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and associations. Their focus is the governance of and within industry sectors; for this purpose, they develop a typology of the American economy in terms of technological complexity and size. In this typology, a mix of governance mechanisms prevails, which is constrained not only by size and technology, but also by general political and institutional factors. Among those factors are the pattern of inter- and intra-industry competitiveness, the relatively low capacity for collective (associational) action, and the selective strength of the state.
The elaborate version of these public-private arrangements, corporatism, is particularly prevalent in Europe, and has been prominently defined by Philippe Schmitter, again:
“a system of interest representation in which the constituent units are organized into a limited number of singular, compulsory, non-competitive, hierarchically ordered and functionally differentiated categories, recognized or licensed (if not created) by the state and granted a deliberate representational monopoly within their respective categories in exchange for observing certain controls on their selection of leaders and articulation of demands and supports” (Schmitter, 1974: 13).
This type of institutionalized interest representation has created a specific mechanism of coordination and cooperation that goes above and beyond articulation. It defines roles and responsibilities towards capital and labor resources in a particular industry in the context of the larger public and national interest. Corporatism was designed inter alia to mitigate the disturbances created by fluctuations in the capital and labor markets that endanger the stability of the established economic order and, by association, the political system
12
. It can be argued that global threats to CII industries cause similar disturbances,
in particular if in addition to capital and labor, knowledge is seen as a third resource of wealth (Drucker, 1992); (Bell, 1976).
From an international comparative point of view, which is part of this paper, the question is also whether corporatist arrangements can transcend their particular national context. Ottaway has tried to explore the general possibility of a global version of corporatism, arguing that current modes of coordination in international issues indeed resemble the long-established European model of tripartite cooperation (Ottaway, 2000). In contrast, Cutler et al. contend that domestic corporatism cannot be replicated on the international level because of lack of a concise definition of responsibilities. On the other hand, they concede that the scale and scope of public-private institutional cooperation can relate directly to certain political systems. Countries with a considerable level of corporatist arrangements seem particularly willing to delegate power to international treaty and non- governmental organizations (Cutler, Haufler, & Porter, 1999).
For the legitimate or legitimized, often historically derived influence of firms (or groups of firms) on international economic governance, the same autors have coined the term ‘private authority’. They define private authority as the decision-making power over a particular issue area that is regarded as legitimate and/or appropriate even in the absence of government (Cutler et al., 1999). The ultimate basis of international private authority, then, is pure interfirm cooperation, ranging from informal industry norms and practices,
12
This very function is what sets European-style corporatism apart from the Anglo-American tradition and
understanding of state and industry in a free market economy. In addition, there are general reservations regarding corporatism since parts of the concept originate and were closely linked to the fascist regimes of the 1930s (Luebbert, 1987).
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