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Jumbled Civil Society: Charting the Effects of International Discourses and Institutions on the Women’s Associational Movement in Galicia
Unformatted Document Text:  2 Introduction International and local sources together create equality outcomes and discourses about gender. 1 International discourses, including ideas arising from UN conferences and EU recommendations, encourage a diversity of actors, in the state and in society, to work toward gender equality; however, the convergence of discourses from multiple levels/places produces unique results – ones that are particular to local places but contain recognizable international themes. As a result of the concurrent globalization and localization of gender and equality goals, researchers must take note of relevant international and national phenomena and yet also stress the salience of local contexts and institutions. In this paper, I explain women’s civil society and equality policymaking in terms of multiple levels: international, national, and regional. The Autonomous Community of Galicia, the most northwestern region in Spain, demonstrates how local actors utilize international themes and fashion equality actions. The case also shows how Galician culture and history has sustained equality actions and feminist discourses that are specific to the region. Differences are to be expected due to the fact that regionalism in Spain is strong and because the reconfiguration 2 of the Spanish state following democratization led to variation in regional policy outcomes. Similar policy issues were of interest in the whole of Spain during the 1980s and 1990s including abortion, non-sexist education, and improved health services. Nonetheless, the institutional and social movement dynamics in Galicia, throughout this time, were unlike those of the Spanish national case. Whereas the incumbent socialist party heartedly embarked on state feminism in the national case 3 , very few policy actions took place in Galicia. And while feminism at the national level quieted after the transition to democracy 4 , Galician feminists have been fairly vocal over time. The women in Galician civil society appear to be fellow activists because they share unique local identities and draw from similar international and national trends in equality 1 Ethnographers point to the fact that global and local cultures are tightly fused in today’s world. This phenomenon is clearly applicable to cultural constructions of gender. See Appadurai 1990; Burawoy et al 2000. 2 I refer to the devolution of policy competencies during the 1980s and 1990s as the reconfiguration of Spain. This includes the devolution of several policy areas such as education and health policy as well as the devolution of equality policymaking in general (Heywood 1999; Gibbons 1999; Newton and Donaghy 1997; Linz and Stephan 1996). 3 The Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE - Partido Socialista Obrero Español) was at the head of the Spanish national government from 1982 until 1996, during which time they established the national women’s policy agency and put forth two national equality plans. The national women’s policy agency was established in 1983 and is called the Women’s Institute (Instituto de la Mujer – IM). 4 The transition to democracy extended from 1976 to 1979 (See Gibbons 1999). During the 1980s and 1990s, the national women’s policy agency became active in policy work and offered subsidies to women’s associations working on equality measures. Valiente explains that the IM activism along with the subsidies created a situation in which the Spanish feminist movement was somewhat co-opted and less radical (See Valiente 2001b).

Authors: Ortbals, Candice.
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background image
2
Introduction
International and local sources together create equality outcomes and discourses about
gender.
1
International discourses, including ideas arising from UN conferences and EU
recommendations, encourage a diversity of actors, in the state and in society, to work toward
gender equality; however, the convergence of discourses from multiple levels/places produces
unique results – ones that are particular to local places but contain recognizable international
themes. As a result of the concurrent globalization and localization of gender and equality goals,
researchers must take note of relevant international and national phenomena and yet also stress
the salience of local contexts and institutions. In this paper, I explain women’s civil society and
equality policymaking in terms of multiple levels: international, national, and regional.
The Autonomous Community of Galicia, the most northwestern region in Spain,
demonstrates how local actors utilize international themes and fashion equality actions. The case
also shows how Galician culture and history has sustained equality actions and feminist
discourses that are specific to the region. Differences are to be expected due to the fact that
regionalism in Spain is strong and because the reconfiguration
2
of the Spanish state following
democratization led to variation in regional policy outcomes. Similar policy issues were of
interest in the whole of Spain during the 1980s and 1990s including abortion, non-sexist
education, and improved health services. Nonetheless, the institutional and social movement
dynamics in Galicia, throughout this time, were unlike those of the Spanish national case.
Whereas the incumbent socialist party heartedly embarked on state feminism in the national
case
3
, very few policy actions took place in Galicia. And while feminism at the national level
quieted after the transition to democracy
4
, Galician feminists have been fairly vocal over time.
The women in Galician civil society appear to be fellow activists because they share
unique local identities and draw from similar international and national trends in equality
1
Ethnographers point to the fact that global and local cultures are tightly fused in today’s world. This phenomenon
is clearly applicable to cultural constructions of gender. See Appadurai 1990; Burawoy et al 2000.
2
I refer to the devolution of policy competencies during the 1980s and 1990s as the reconfiguration of Spain. This
includes the devolution of several policy areas such as education and health policy as well as the devolution of
equality policymaking in general (Heywood 1999; Gibbons 1999; Newton and Donaghy 1997; Linz and Stephan
1996).
3
The Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE - Partido Socialista Obrero Español) was at the head of the Spanish
national government from 1982 until 1996, during which time they established the national women’s policy agency
and put forth two national equality plans. The national women’s policy agency was established in 1983 and is called
the Women’s Institute (Instituto de la Mujer – IM).
4
The transition to democracy extended from 1976 to 1979 (See Gibbons 1999). During the 1980s and 1990s, the
national women’s policy agency became active in policy work and offered subsidies to women’s associations
working on equality measures. Valiente explains that the IM activism along with the subsidies created a situation in
which the Spanish feminist movement was somewhat co-opted and less radical (See Valiente 2001b).


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