 |
Economic Power, Postwar International Finance and the Original Use of Conditionality
| |
| | Unformatted Document Text:
9
men’s ineradicable lust for power. The struggle for power arises simply because men want things, it is a natural result of competition for scarce resources. Spinoza finds that states are natural enemies and as such must constantly be on guard, one against the other. Waltz tells us the major causes of war are to be found within man, within the structure of the separate states, within the state system—in other words in every level of analysis, the causes of war are everywhere.
25
Most interesting in international relations is that no one questions that this is in fact the
environment in which we live, even if some would like to see ways for changing this environment (whether through ideas or institutions) and cast hope on an otherwise bleak picture. How, then, can we presume that a state operating in such a system would only be concerned with relative military gains of others and not relative economic gains? To say that man acts in ways contrary to his nature is prima facie absurd, yet this is exactly what liberal arguments of Bretton Woods present. To use another example from political theory, Machiavelli, points out the high value men attach to wealth, “for men will sooner forget the death of their father than the loss of their patrimony.”
26
If this description is correct, then we might expect to find more concern with
relative gains in economics rather than less. Cooperation then would be as much a result of coercion as mutual gain incentives.
27
Relative Gains. Relative gains are prevalent in economics. In a condition of anarchy
relative gain is more important than absolute gain. So why would states cooperate if they know that all involved would gain in absolute terms? This, it is argued, is the ultimate challenge to realism in international political economy. But what if the participants anticipate relative gains as compared to a rival or as compared to states outside the cooperating group? If the members of the group expect to gain relative to some ‘other’, the issue of relative gains holds and realism is not challenged. In order to agree to a form of cooperation which would limit state action for the greater good of the group states must expect to improve their relative position. For example, I will play well with my team because if we win I will be in a better relative position than every member of the losing team. I will work well with my coworkers because if we do well I too will get a larger salary than every employee in the unit we surpass (in attendance, production, sales, etc.). I will save money with my spouse because together we will have a bigger house than the Jones’s (or bigger than my rival sibling). In real life we join groups or create groups, not only to make ourselves better off than before but also to make us relatively better off than some other people than we would have been on our own. The point here is that relative gains are always central to economic considerations.
Consider now a financial and monetary regime that facilitates capital flows to its
members but inhibits capital flows to nonmembers. It may be argued that those included will be relatively better off than those excluded. The International Monetary Fund and World Bank created at the Bretton Woods conference were not universal. Member states committed to specific economic reporting requirements that served to exclude those states preferring to maintain secrecy in their economic data. Also, consider financial cooperation in terms of lending. If two states are in need of funds but only one gets them, the recipient will be relatively better off than the non-recipient, while both are relatively worse off than the creditor who will regain principal plus interest and any conditions demanded in exchange for this generosity.
Survival. Concerns about survival do not stop at the economics border. Security
analysis provides two broad reasons underlying state concerns for survival, both based on the notion of power struggle. First, that struggles for power arise in competitive situations and force is introduced in the absence of an authority that can limit the means used by the competitors. Second, struggles for power arise because men are born seekers of power. As Hertz
28
defined it,
states look to their comparative power positions because of the ‘security dilemma’, born of a
|
| | Authors: Xenias, Anastasia. |
|
| |
|
|
9
men’s ineradicable lust for power. The struggle for power arises simply because men want things, it is a natural result of competition for scarce resources. Spinoza finds that states are natural enemies and as such must constantly be on guard, one against the other. Waltz tells us the major causes of war are to be found within man, within the structure of the separate states, within the state system—in other words in every level of analysis, the causes of war are everywhere.
25
Most interesting in international relations is that no one questions that this is in fact the
environment in which we live, even if some would like to see ways for changing this environment (whether through ideas or institutions) and cast hope on an otherwise bleak picture. How, then, can we presume that a state operating in such a system would only be concerned with relative military gains of others and not relative economic gains? To say that man acts in ways contrary to his nature is prima facie absurd, yet this is exactly what liberal arguments of Bretton Woods present. To use another example from political theory, Machiavelli, points out the high value men attach to wealth, “for men will sooner forget the death of their father than the loss of their patrimony.”
26
If this description is correct, then we might expect to find more concern with
relative gains in economics rather than less. Cooperation then would be as much a result of coercion as mutual gain incentives.
27
Relative Gains. Relative gains are prevalent in economics. In a condition of anarchy
relative gain is more important than absolute gain. So why would states cooperate if they know that all involved would gain in absolute terms? This, it is argued, is the ultimate challenge to realism in international political economy. But what if the participants anticipate relative gains as compared to a rival or as compared to states outside the cooperating group? If the members of the group expect to gain relative to some ‘other’, the issue of relative gains holds and realism is not challenged. In order to agree to a form of cooperation which would limit state action for the greater good of the group states must expect to improve their relative position. For example, I will play well with my team because if we win I will be in a better relative position than every member of the losing team. I will work well with my coworkers because if we do well I too will get a larger salary than every employee in the unit we surpass (in attendance, production, sales, etc.). I will save money with my spouse because together we will have a bigger house than the Jones’s (or bigger than my rival sibling). In real life we join groups or create groups, not only to make ourselves better off than before but also to make us relatively better off than some other people than we would have been on our own. The point here is that relative gains are always central to economic considerations.
Consider now a financial and monetary regime that facilitates capital flows to its
members but inhibits capital flows to nonmembers. It may be argued that those included will be relatively better off than those excluded. The International Monetary Fund and World Bank created at the Bretton Woods conference were not universal. Member states committed to specific economic reporting requirements that served to exclude those states preferring to maintain secrecy in their economic data. Also, consider financial cooperation in terms of lending. If two states are in need of funds but only one gets them, the recipient will be relatively better off than the non-recipient, while both are relatively worse off than the creditor who will regain principal plus interest and any conditions demanded in exchange for this generosity.
Survival. Concerns about survival do not stop at the economics border. Security
analysis provides two broad reasons underlying state concerns for survival, both based on the notion of power struggle. First, that struggles for power arise in competitive situations and force is introduced in the absence of an authority that can limit the means used by the competitors. Second, struggles for power arise because men are born seekers of power. As Hertz
28
defined it,
states look to their comparative power positions because of the ‘security dilemma’, born of a
|
|
Convention | | Need a solution for abstract management? All Academic can help! Contact us today to find out how our system can help your annual meeting. | | Submission - Custom fields, multiple submission types, tracks, audio visual, multiple upload formats, automatic conversion to pdf. | | Review - Peer Review, Bulk reviewer assignment, bulk emails, ranking, z-score statistics, and multiple worksheets! | | Reports - Many standard and custom reports generated while you wait. Print programs with participant indexes, event grids, and more! | | Scheduling - Flexible and convenient grid scheduling within rooms and buildings. Conflict checking and advanced filtering. | | Communication - Bulk email tools to help your administrators send reminders and responses. Use form letters, a message center, and much more! | | Management - Search tools, duplicate people management, editing tools, submission transfers, many tools to manage a variety of conference management headaches! | | Click here for more information. |
|
|
|
| |
|
|
|