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Taiwan's "Cultural Revolution": Identity Politics and Collective Action Since 2000
Unformatted Document Text:  3 Taiwan’s “Cultural Revolution”: Identity Politics and Collective Action Since 2000 Wei-chin Lee Taiwan is undoubtedly in a cultural revolution with the goal of establishing an indigenous Taiwanese identity, which is joined with a concurrent effort of de-sinicization to eradicate Chinese influences in social constructs. Unlike the radical and chaotic nature of China’s Cultural Revolution during the period of 1966-1976, Taiwan’s ruling authority appears to be proceeding with a gradual, subtle approach to identity framing, which requires the generation, development, and elaboration of collective action from supporters. The question is how to awaken, incite, and persuade prospective constituents and supporters to follow the political elite’s lead to participate passionately in the establishment of this new identity. The process has alternated between “visible” and “latent” phases with a mix of obvious public demands and a subtle hidden agenda to motivate adherents and to sustain the cohesiveness of the movement. Political entrepreneurs advocating Taiwan’s independence have selected issues carefully in order to inspire resonance from the public. The timing and the circumstances of issue presentation could also add a multiplying effect to the intended consequences. No doubt, the development of collective action is contested in the politics of signification. Opponents to the new identity would attempt to resist a brave new world vision presented by those who are committed to the new national/state identity reframing movement. As Melissa J. Brown remarked, “identities are both fluid and changeable.” 1 The terms “national identity” and “state identity” are somewhat interrelated. They are

Authors: Lee, Wei-chin.
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3
Taiwan’s “Cultural Revolution”:
Identity Politics and Collective Action Since 2000
Wei-chin Lee
Taiwan is undoubtedly in a cultural revolution with the goal of establishing an
indigenous Taiwanese identity, which is joined with a concurrent effort of de-sinicization
to eradicate Chinese influences in social constructs. Unlike the radical and chaotic nature
of China’s Cultural Revolution during the period of 1966-1976, Taiwan’s ruling authority
appears to be proceeding with a gradual, subtle approach to identity framing, which
requires the generation, development, and elaboration of collective action from
supporters. The question is how to awaken, incite, and persuade prospective constituents
and supporters to follow the political elite’s lead to participate passionately in the
establishment of this new identity. The process has alternated between “visible” and
“latent” phases with a mix of obvious public demands and a subtle hidden agenda to
motivate adherents and to sustain the cohesiveness of the movement. Political
entrepreneurs advocating Taiwan’s independence have selected issues carefully in order
to inspire resonance from the public. The timing and the circumstances of issue
presentation could also add a multiplying effect to the intended consequences. No doubt,
the development of collective action is contested in the politics of signification.
Opponents to the new identity would attempt to resist a brave new world vision presented
by those who are committed to the new national/state identity reframing movement.
As Melissa J. Brown remarked, “identities are both fluid and changeable.”
1
The
terms “national identity” and “state identity” are somewhat interrelated. They are


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