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centers experienced over a 300 percent increase. Nationally, 51 primary metropolitan statistical areas
(PMSAs) were classified as new Latino destinations.
Junn (2000: 187), in the introduction to her assessment of political assimilation and participation in liberal
democracy notes, that:
The study of the political consequences of international migration to the United States usually
does not begin with an assessment of the ways current democratic institutions and practices either
accommodate or constrain new entrants to the polity. Instead emphasis has more often been placed
on determining which factors enhance the political incorporation and assimilation of immigrants
and ethnic minorities into American politics as it is presently constituted.
This paper examines those issues which are less frequently explored: the ways local government
accommodates Latinos in the new Latino destinations throughout the United States. The paper begins by
examining the context of incorporation research, focusing on some of the broader individual issues such as
the emergence of transnational lifestyles, the importance of social and economic networks and the impact
of immigration on the lives of the children of immigrants. This is followed by a description of the research
methods for collecting information about new Latino community local governments. The data regarding
formal incorporation of Latinos in elected and appointed positions is then presented. The discussion of
findings then centers upon the various incorporation approaches embraced by these local governments. The
paper concludes with the recognition that while formal incorporation of Latinos into the political process is
limited, efforts by local governments demonstrate the desire, for the most part, to accommodate their
nuevos residentes (new residents).
Context of Incorporation
There is a strong research tradition regarding the incorporations of the individual Latino immigrants as well
as the social, political and economic development of largely enclave Latino communities (e.g. Borjas and
Tienda, 1987; Garcia 2000; Gerstle and Mollenkopf 2001; Landale and Oropesa 2001; McCall 2001;
Rothman and Espanshade, 1992; Shaw, de la Garza and Lee 2000). Immigrant incorporation is influenced
by the assets - financial, cultural and human capital - individuals bring to the United States (Nee and
Sanders 2001). The presence and maturity of social networks in the receiving community can aid in the
social transition and workforce incorporation of new residents (Hagan 1998; Massey et al 1993). Many new
Convention