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Nationalized Parties, New Labor: From Pluralism to Polarization in the American States
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Introduction
Although scholars disagree about the normative values of the private welfare state, a
rough consensus has emerged about its empirical effects. The presence of the private welfare
state fragments politics, rendering comprehensive reform of various social programs such as
retirement programs, health insurance, and tax reform extremely difficult. American political
institutions such as the separation of powers and federalism exacerbate this fragmentation.
Although most of the literature on the private welfare state focuses on national politics,
1
its
distinctive politics cast a new light on the politics of the American states as well, particularly on
the debate about the capacity and ability of states to generate social policy.
2
Regardless of where one stands in this argument, it is crucial to define exactly what we
mean by state capacity. Is it institutional strength, such as the professionalization of
legislatures?
3
Is it the strength of parties at the state level measured by financing or
1
Christopher Howard, The Hidden Welfare State: Tax Expenditures and Social Policies in the United States
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997); Jacob S. Hacker, The Divided Welfare State: The Battle Over Public and Private Social Benefits in the United States (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002); Margaret Weir, “Wages and Jobs: What is the Public Role?” in Margaret Weir, ed., The Social Divide: Political Parties and the Future of Activist Government (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1998): 268-311. For exceptions see David Brian Robertson, Capital, Labor, and State: The Battle for American Labor Markets From the Civil War to the New Deal;Theda Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University, 1996).
2
For a good summary of the debate, see Michael S. Sparer, “Myths and Misunderstandings: Health Policy, the
Devolution Revolution, and the Push for Privatization,” American Behavioral Scientist 43 (September 1999): 138-154; Deborah A. Stone, “Why States Can’t Solve the Health Care Crisis,” The American Prospect (Spring 1992): 51-60; John E. McDonough, “States First: The Other Path to National Health Care Reform,” The American Prospect (Spring 1992): 61-66.
3
Keith E. Hamm and Gary F. Moncrief, “Legislative Politics in the States,” in Virginia Gray and Russell L. Hanson,
eds., Politics in the American States: A Comparative Analysis (Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly Press, 2004): 157-193.
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1
Introduction
Although scholars disagree about the normative values of the private welfare state, a
rough consensus has emerged about its empirical effects. The presence of the private welfare
state fragments politics, rendering comprehensive reform of various social programs such as
retirement programs, health insurance, and tax reform extremely difficult. American political
institutions such as the separation of powers and federalism exacerbate this fragmentation.
Although most of the literature on the private welfare state focuses on national politics,
1
its
distinctive politics cast a new light on the politics of the American states as well, particularly on
the debate about the capacity and ability of states to generate social policy.
2
Regardless of where one stands in this argument, it is crucial to define exactly what we
mean by state capacity. Is it institutional strength, such as the professionalization of
legislatures?
3
Is it the strength of parties at the state level measured by financing or
1
Christopher Howard, The Hidden Welfare State: Tax Expenditures and Social Policies in the United States
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997); Jacob S. Hacker, The Divided Welfare State: The Battle Over Public
and Private Social Benefits in the United States (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002); Margaret Weir,
“Wages and Jobs: What is the Public Role?” in Margaret Weir, ed., The Social Divide: Political Parties and the
Future of Activist Government (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1998): 268-311. For exceptions see David Brian
Robertson, Capital, Labor, and State: The Battle for American Labor Markets From the Civil War to the New Deal;
Theda Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States
(Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University, 1996).
2
For a good summary of the debate, see Michael S. Sparer, “Myths and Misunderstandings: Health Policy, the
Devolution Revolution, and the Push for Privatization,” American Behavioral Scientist 43 (September 1999): 138-
154; Deborah A. Stone, “Why States Can’t Solve the Health Care Crisis,” The American Prospect (Spring 1992):
51-60; John E. McDonough, “States First: The Other Path to National Health Care Reform,” The American Prospect
(Spring 1992): 61-66.
3
Keith E. Hamm and Gary F. Moncrief, “Legislative Politics in the States,” in Virginia Gray and Russell L. Hanson,
eds., Politics in the American States: A Comparative Analysis (Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly Press,
2004): 157-193.
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