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If You Build a Political Website Will They Come? The Supply and Demand Model of New Technology, Social Capital, and Civic Engagement in Britain
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‘I
F YOU BUILD A POLITICAL WEBSITE
…’
N
ORRIS AND
C
URTICE
8/20/2004
1:16
PM
9
The summary Political Activism Index, providing an overview, is constructed simply by
adding together experience of each of these different types of acts (each coded 0/1). The study has therefore formed additive indices of each item within each of the four groups and also created an additive index across all four groups. It should be noted that the resulting summary index is currently heavily dominated by the civic oriented scale, as this has the most items. Subsequent analysis will see whether any weighting procedure makes any substantial difference to the results. It should also be noted that in this conceptual framework, with the important exception of partisan identification, this study focuses upon political activity; we are concerned with doing politics rather than being attentive to public affairs or having psychological attitudes thought conducive to civic engagement, such as trust in parliament or a sense of political efficacy, explored elsewhere (Curtice and Norris 2004). The study therefore does not regard exposure or attention to mass communications, exemplified by following political events in newspapers, as indicators of political activism per se. These factors may indeed plausibly contribute towards participation, and thereby help explain this phenomenon, as prior pre-conditions, but they are not, in themselves, channels which citizens can use for expressing political concerns or mobilizing group interests.
Part III: Analysis of the results
We can start by examining the simple bivariate relationships between Internet use and
these multidimensional indicators of political activism, with the important proviso that the background of online users continues to be skewed towards the well-educated and more affluent social sectors, which are both resources closely associated with political activism, so that multivariate analysis is required controlling for these factors.
[Table 1 about here]
Table 1 presents the mean score on these indicators for the group of all Internet users
compared with all non-users, and the significance of the difference (estimated by ANOVA). In line with our initial expectations, the results confirm that Internet users in Britain proved significantly more politically engaged than non-users across the indicators of cause-oriented and civic-oriented participation, as well as in the total activism scale. This pattern suggests that the forms of political involvement which are most likely to benefit through the development of the Internet are through single-issue politics, voluntary associations, and community groups, as expected given the prior characteristics of the online population. By contrast, if we compare more traditional forms of engagement, Internet users were slightly less likely to vote than non-users, and there were no significant differences between users and non-users in levels of campaign activism.
The comparison of activism by length of Internet use displays a slightly different pattern,
illustrated in Figure 4, where early adopters with the longest experience of going online proved significantly more politically active across all dimensions except voting turnout (where there was no difference) when compared against those who had first ventured online more recently. Yet without any controls it is not possible to determine whether this pattern was due to the effects of length of exposure to the Internet per se, or whether this reflected the gradual changes in the social composition and political attitudes of the Internet population.
[Table 2 and Figure 4 about here]
The multivariate regression analysis presented in Table 2 displays the results of the full
model predicting overall levels of political activism, including the range of social and demographic controls as well as the impact of regular newspaper reading and use of the Internet. The results show that, as expected, age had a significant and strong effect upon political participation, with people becoming more active as they enter middle-age, with a slight fall in a curvilinear pattern in the over 70s. Interestingly, gender and race appear to be insignificant predictors of activism in this model, although women and men in Britain have been found to have different patterns of participation in other studies (Norris, Lovenduski and Campbell 2004). As many others have long reported, by providing civic skills and boosting a sense of internal efficacy, education is one of the
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| | Authors: Norris, Pippa. and Curtice, John. |
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‘I
F YOU BUILD A POLITICAL WEBSITE
…’
N
ORRIS AND
C
URTICE
8/20/2004
1:16
PM
9
The summary Political Activism Index, providing an overview, is constructed simply by
adding together experience of each of these different types of acts (each coded 0/1). The study has therefore formed additive indices of each item within each of the four groups and also created an additive index across all four groups. It should be noted that the resulting summary index is currently heavily dominated by the civic oriented scale, as this has the most items. Subsequent analysis will see whether any weighting procedure makes any substantial difference to the results. It should also be noted that in this conceptual framework, with the important exception of partisan identification, this study focuses upon political activity; we are concerned with doing politics rather than being attentive to public affairs or having psychological attitudes thought conducive to civic engagement, such as trust in parliament or a sense of political efficacy, explored elsewhere (Curtice and Norris 2004). The study therefore does not regard exposure or attention to mass communications, exemplified by following political events in newspapers, as indicators of political activism per se. These factors may indeed plausibly contribute towards participation, and thereby help explain this phenomenon, as prior pre-conditions, but they are not, in themselves, channels which citizens can use for expressing political concerns or mobilizing group interests.
Part III: Analysis of the results
We can start by examining the simple bivariate relationships between Internet use and
these multidimensional indicators of political activism, with the important proviso that the background of online users continues to be skewed towards the well-educated and more affluent social sectors, which are both resources closely associated with political activism, so that multivariate analysis is required controlling for these factors.
[Table 1 about here]
Table 1 presents the mean score on these indicators for the group of all Internet users
compared with all non-users, and the significance of the difference (estimated by ANOVA). In line with our initial expectations, the results confirm that Internet users in Britain proved significantly more politically engaged than non-users across the indicators of cause-oriented and civic- oriented participation, as well as in the total activism scale. This pattern suggests that the forms of political involvement which are most likely to benefit through the development of the Internet are through single-issue politics, voluntary associations, and community groups, as expected given the prior characteristics of the online population. By contrast, if we compare more traditional forms of engagement, Internet users were slightly less likely to vote than non-users, and there were no significant differences between users and non-users in levels of campaign activism.
The comparison of activism by length of Internet use displays a slightly different pattern,
illustrated in Figure 4, where early adopters with the longest experience of going online proved significantly more politically active across all dimensions except voting turnout (where there was no difference) when compared against those who had first ventured online more recently. Yet without any controls it is not possible to determine whether this pattern was due to the effects of length of exposure to the Internet per se, or whether this reflected the gradual changes in the social composition and political attitudes of the Internet population.
[Table 2 and Figure 4 about here]
The multivariate regression analysis presented in Table 2 displays the results of the full
model predicting overall levels of political activism, including the range of social and demographic controls as well as the impact of regular newspaper reading and use of the Internet. The results show that, as expected, age had a significant and strong effect upon political participation, with people becoming more active as they enter middle-age, with a slight fall in a curvilinear pattern in the over 70s. Interestingly, gender and race appear to be insignificant predictors of activism in this model, although women and men in Britain have been found to have different patterns of participation in other studies (Norris, Lovenduski and Campbell 2004). As many others have long reported, by providing civic skills and boosting a sense of internal efficacy, education is one of the
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