Introduction
The new regimes of Eastern Europe vary considerably with regard to their level of
democracy (e.g., Bunce 1999). The level of social capital among the polities contributes
to the explanation of this cross-national variance. Social capital is said to facilitate the
formation of civil society (Stolle 1998; Newton 1999; Uslaner 2002) which in turn
promotes political participation and pro-democratic attitudes (e.g. Putnam 2000). The
hallmarks of democratic citizenry include regular political participation and civil society
involvement (e.g., Tóka 1995; Fuchs and Roller 1998). By civil society, we mean
the community of citizens, who come together and associate within the public
“space” that is distinct from the individual, family, and friendship networks, on
the one hand, and the state and market, on the other. This space consists of
intermediary groups, organizations, and associations that are formally established,
legally protected, autonomously run, and voluntarily joined by ordinary citizens
(Howard 2003, 31).
Social capital contributes to our understanding of civil society development specifically,
and political development generally, among post-communist countries. Less clear is the
extent to which Eastern European countries are experiencing, sub-nationally, uneven
development of civil society.
The democratic revolutions which overthrew the communist regimes witnessed the
emergence (reemergence) of regional distinctions in much of Eastern Europe tied to
historical legacies that do not fit easily within the international state system boarders. For
Romania, observers note that the region of Transylvania is distinct in terms of its
historical and cultural make-up. The ethnic diversity which characterizes Transylvania
suggests that the region would face greater obstacles in achieving stable democracy
(Krastev 2002). At the same time, its historical attachment to the Hapsburg Empire,
religious plurality and level of socio-economic development in the pre-communist period
all are favorable conditions for democracy to solidify. Romanian voting behavior in the
1990s supports this latter scenario (Roper and Fesnic 2002). However, Transylvanians
do not display values or norms that are more democratic than others in Romania
(Bădescu 2003a; Mungiu-Pipiddi 2003).
1
Convention