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facilitating cooperation among legislators from different parties. Nonetheless,
international influences led to reform in some countries but not all, making them a
necessary but not sufficient explanation for quota law adoption.
Political Culture. Some argue that gender quota laws tend to be implemented in
countries characterized by egalitarian political cultures (Bystydzienski 1995; Inhetveen
1999; Lovenduski and Norris 1993; Squires 1996). In Belgium, for example, Meier
(2000a) argues that politicians adopted gender quota laws with relatively little debate
because they were consistent with a political culture premised on consociational notions
of group representation. Latin America also has a strong tradition of group rights, based
on a corporatist model of sectoral interests (Wiarda 2001). In one sense, gender quotas
represent the extension and formalization of a fundamental part of Mexican political
culture.
Nonetheless, the extension of group rights to women remains surprising given
Mexico’s legendary culture of machismo—yet recent public opinion polls suggest that
culture has diminished. Recent survey data has revealed widespread support for women’s
rights and women’s participation in politics, especially among young people. In a 1996
Gallup poll (co-sponsored by the Inter-American Dialogue), 55% of Mexicans surveyed
agreed that “this country would be governed better if more women were in political
office” and 56% said that a presidential candidate’s opinion regarding women’s issues
would be very important to them. Even more significant are the answers to a question
specifically about quotas. The relevant question read, “As you may already know,
women must comprise 30 percent of political party candidates in general elections. What
is your general opinion of this quota for women—do you think it is mostly good for the
Convention