Selective Recruitment or Empowered Communities?
The Effects of Descriptive Representation on Latino Voter Mobilization
APSA 2003, Philadelphia, PA
The effect of ethnicity upon political participation presents an interesting paradox to
political scientists. On the one hand, scholars who have studied the factors driving political
participation at the individual level have found that socioeconomic status (i.e. education and
income) is the best predictor of turnout regardless of race or ethnicity (Wong 2001; Rosenstone
and Hansen 1993; Verba and Nie 1972; Verba Schlozman and Brady 1995; Wolfinger and
Rosenstone 1980). On the other hand, others who have studied contextual factors, namely the
presence of a minority representative in office or group size have found positive effects on
political participation and efficacy (Barreto, Segura and Woods 2002; Bobo and Giliam 1990;
Gay 2001; Eisinger 1981; Tate 1993). These seemingly contradictory findings highlight both
methodological and theoretical inconsistencies within earlier research. There is no consensus on
the extent to which the interaction between contextual factors and individual level characteristics
allow individuals to overcome barriers to participation, or how this relates to patterns of
mobilization. The studies that do exist, examine the role of race and ethnicity on levels of voter
turnout in minority communities. While it is well documented that contacts and mobilization are
effective in turning out the vote, few scholars have asked the question of who gets mobilized, and
why?
Leighley (2001) is the most recent scholar to carefully weigh and compare the effects of
individual and contextual factors on minority political mobilization. Overall, she finds that there
is very little evidence to support the claim that racial/ethnic context (group size) or
empowerment (presence of a black mayor for black empowerment or presence of a Latino mayor
for Latino empowerment) matter for the mobilization of blacks or Latinos. Instead she finds that
class (education, family income, etc.) is the most consistent predictor of political mobilization for
any group regardless of race or ethnicity. While she provides some insights on additional factors
that may shape patterns of mobilization among racial or ethnic minorities, her analysis on
mobilization is limited to Texas. It is possible that racial/ethnic context and empowerment are
relevant in other states.
In this paper, we use a modified model of the effects of group size and group
empowerment for Latinos in the United States to predict which Latinos reported being mobilized
Barreto, Espino, Pantoja and RamÃrez / APSA 2003 / 1
Convention