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Making Sense of Religion in Political Life
Unformatted Document Text:  17 terse rebuff as white mainline churches quickly retreated to their familiar uninvolved stance on “race questions” (p. 92). More than a quarter century later, they remain put. Certainly Foreman’s move may have been politically beneficial in that it brought recognition to his cause, but it was antithetical to political mobilization in that it lopped off important components of what had been an effective coalition. The most effective social movement organizations often owe their success to astute leadership. In their study of “Race, Ethnicity and Political Resources,” Verba et al (1993) discover statistically what observers of the American civil rights movement already knew well anecdotally; black Protestant churches can be remarkably effective incubators of political leadership (p. 482). Aldon Morris deduces two reasons for this state of affairs. First, he argues, blacks denied access to mainstream institutions turned to the church to fill a void. “Behind the church doors,” Morris contends, “was a friendly and warm environment where black people could be temporarily at peace with themselves while displaying their talents and aspirations before an empathetic audience” (Morris 1996, 29-30). Motivated African-Americans saw, and continue to see, a relative dearth of role models in national and local government. Minority churches, however, provide a wealth of examples of African-American leadership. As many of their congregations are predominately, if not exclusively, black, every post from minister to choir director, from facilities manager to Sunday school teacher, is filled by someone who looks like them. Second, Morris contends, “[c]hurches, especially the prestigious or leading ones, demanded ministers who could command the respect, support, and allegiance of congregations through their strong, magnetic personalities” (p. 31). There is a great deal of overlap in the skill sets required behind the pulpit and the political podium. Church leaders are given not only a position of authority, but forced to demonstrate a capacity to lead on a weekly basis.

Authors: Wald, Kenneth.
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17
terse rebuff as white mainline churches quickly retreated to their familiar uninvolved stance on
“race questions” (p. 92). More than a quarter century later, they remain put. Certainly
Foreman’s move may have been politically beneficial in that it brought recognition to his cause,
but it was antithetical to political mobilization in that it lopped off important components of what
had been an effective coalition.
The most effective social movement organizations often owe their success to astute
leadership. In their study of “Race, Ethnicity and Political Resources,” Verba et al (1993)
discover statistically what observers of the American civil rights movement already knew well
anecdotally; black Protestant churches can be remarkably effective incubators of political
leadership (p. 482). Aldon Morris deduces two reasons for this state of affairs. First, he argues,
blacks denied access to mainstream institutions turned to the church to fill a void. “Behind the
church doors,” Morris contends, “was a friendly and warm environment where black people
could be temporarily at peace with themselves while displaying their talents and aspirations
before an empathetic audience” (Morris 1996, 29-30). Motivated African-Americans saw, and
continue to see, a relative dearth of role models in national and local government. Minority
churches, however, provide a wealth of examples of African-American leadership. As many of
their congregations are predominately, if not exclusively, black, every post from minister to choir
director, from facilities manager to Sunday school teacher, is filled by someone who looks like
them. Second, Morris contends, “[c]hurches, especially the prestigious or leading ones,
demanded ministers who could command the respect, support, and allegiance of congregations
through their strong, magnetic personalities” (p. 31). There is a great deal of overlap in the skill
sets required behind the pulpit and the political podium. Church leaders are given not only a
position of authority, but forced to demonstrate a capacity to lead on a weekly basis.


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