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of the campaign and these statements drew coverage from the Times. It does, however,
look as though the Bush campaign crafted an ad that would compel reporters and editors.
The media subsequently hooked on to the Horton frame in 1988 and used it whenever
possible. It is the kind of news frame that helps them reach their incentives – it is
dramatic, conflictual, and sensational.
This story illustrates both Geer’s and Zaller’s points quite well and combines
them in a symbiotic way. Candidates’ ads are becoming more negative over time,
perhaps in an effort to attract media attention from journalists and editors whose
incentives direct them to sensationalize and dramatize the campaign. This synthesis
suggests two things to look for in an investigation of campaign communication:
Candidates ads may contain different rhetoric than their speeches, as they may be using
their ads to generate media attention; and secondly, media coverage of campaigns may
not mimic the content of direct candidate communication as journalists strive for prestige
and editors aim to sell papers.
Candidate’s Message and How to Measure Them
What are modern American presidential elections about? Off the top of one’s
head, remembrances of phrases such as “I shall go to Korea” or “Competence not
Ideology” may come to mind, as well as slogans such as “Leadership that’s Working” or
“Nixon’s the One.” Some people may even remember songs like Irving Berlin’s “Ike for
President,” Disney’s “Kennedy’s for Me,” or Lee Greenwood’s “Proud to be an
American.” Certainly people recall the odd or bizarre moments, the moments candidates
hope are not their defining campaign moments, but which many consultants seem to think
matter greatly – George Bush claiming that his “dog Millie knows more about foreign
Convention