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On the Cutting Edge of Globalization
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On the Cutting Edge of Globalization page 2 Rosenau et. al. theoretical antennae tell us that all peoples---rich and poor, leaders and followers, Northerners and Southerners---are bound to ha ve had their lives, outlooks, practices, and relationships altered by globalizing processes and the backlashes against globalization. More than that, we suspect that some of the most extensive alterations have occurred in the lives of those people in all walks of life who are on the cutting edge of the transformations presently underway. Unlike those who exclusively prefer traditional ways or otherwise resist globalization, Cutting- Edgers seem likely to seize the opportunities afforded by the worlds they are creating and to alter their long-standing practices and orientations to accommodate the dynamics of globalization. Such reorientation may even involve a limited reaffirmation of the value of “the local” in their own hyper-global lives. Conceivably, Cutting- Edgers, not least because of their rootless travel lifestyles, may be all the more connected to “home.”
Hypotheses like the foregoing are implicit in most of the globalization literature.
People are seen as being induced by globalizing dynamics to attach loyalties to other collectivities than the nation-state. The explosive growth of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) is but one example. These organizations may be worldwide in presence and scope—such as Amnesty International or Greenpeace—or they may be local both in their organization and their perspective, such as the Zapatistas or other separatist movements. But the local- global distinction is somewhat misleading. While the Zapatistas may be local in their orientation and objectives, for example, they rely upon global communications and the ability to mobilize distant masses in order to compensate for their relatively meager resources. It is one thing, of course, to note the rise of NGOs, but quite another to argue that all or many of them are anti-state or that many people will defy their governments either at the behest of an NGO with which they may identify or on their own initiative. Nevertheless, the marches of anti- globalization protesters in Seattle, Washington, D.C., London and Prague in 1999 and 2000 demonstrate the degree to which some persons are willing to react to globalization either as individuals or as followers of groups that are dramatically and even violently opposed to corporate policies or to the positions espoused by the official representatives of their countries. Ironically, it is the anti- globalization movement that perhaps best exemplifies the willingness of people to place a transnational agenda above the interests of their nation-state; often, however, it may also be at least a partial subnational or local agenda. Are Cutting- Edgers more or less likely to face such loyalty conflicts? Does involvement in globalization induce people, for example, to place professional obligations above those of citizenship? Does globalization make people more selfish or more altruistic, or does its impact vary among individuals?
Research Design and Methodology
The foregoing questions and theoretical concerns are the subject of much
speculation and unsubstantiated analysis,
4
but to our knowledge they have not been
the Turn of the Century: Changing Bases of ‘Us’ and ‘Them,’” International Studies Review, Vol. 1, No. 2 (Summer 1999), pp. 79-107.
4
See, for example, Peter L. Berger, “Four Faces of Global Culture,” The National Interest, No. 49
(Fall 1997), pp. 23-29; Geoffrey Garten, The Mind of the CEO (New York: Perseus, 2001); Ulf Hannerz
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| | Authors: Rosenau, James., Earnest, David., Ferguson, Yale. and Holsti, Ole. |
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On the Cutting Edge of Globalization page 2
Rosenau et. al.
theoretical antennae tell us that all peoples---rich and poor, leaders and followers,
Northerners and Southerners---are bound to ha ve had their lives, outlooks, practices, and
relationships altered by globalizing processes and the backlashes against globalization.
More than that, we suspect that some of the most extensive alterations have occurred in
the lives of those people in all walks of life who are on the cutting edge of the
transformations presently underway. Unlike those who exclusively prefer traditional
ways or otherwise resist globalization, Cutting- Edgers seem likely to seize the
opportunities afforded by the worlds they are creating and to alter their long-standing
practices and orientations to accommodate the dynamics of globalization. Such
reorientation may even involve a limited reaffirmation of the value of “the local” in their
own hyper-global lives. Conceivably, Cutting- Edgers, not least because of their rootless
travel lifestyles, may be all the more connected to “home.”
Hypotheses like the foregoing are implicit in most of the globalization literature.
People are seen as being induced by globalizing dynamics to attach loyalties to other
collectivities than the nation-state. The explosive growth of non-governmental
organizations (NGOs) is but one example. These organizations may be worldwide in
presence and scope—such as Amnesty International or Greenpeace—or they may be
local both in their organization and their perspective, such as the Zapatistas or other
separatist movements. But the local- global distinction is somewhat misleading. While
the Zapatistas may be local in their orientation and objectives, for example, they rely
upon global communications and the ability to mobilize distant masses in order to
compensate for their relatively meager resources. It is one thing, of course, to note the
rise of NGOs, but quite another to argue that all or many of them are anti-state or that
many people will defy their governments either at the behest of an NGO with which they
may identify or on their own initiative. Nevertheless, the marches of anti- globalization
protesters in Seattle, Washington, D.C., London and Prague in 1999 and 2000
demonstrate the degree to which some persons are willing to react to globalization either
as individuals or as followers of groups that are dramatically and even violently opposed
to corporate policies or to the positions espoused by the official representatives of their
countries. Ironically, it is the anti- globalization movement that perhaps best exemplifies
the willingness of people to place a transnational agenda above the interests of their
nation-state; often, however, it may also be at least a partial subnational or local agenda.
Are Cutting- Edgers more or less likely to face such loyalty conflicts? Does involvement
in globalization induce people, for example, to place professional obligations above those
of citizenship? Does globalization make people more selfish or more altruistic, or does
its impact vary among individuals?
Research Design and Methodology
The foregoing questions and theoretical concerns are the subject of much
speculation and unsubstantiated analysis,
4
but to our knowledge they have not been
the Turn of the Century: Changing Bases of ‘Us’ and ‘Them,’” International Studies Review, Vol. 1, No. 2
(Summer 1999), pp. 79-107.
4
See, for example, Peter L. Berger, “Four Faces of Global Culture,” The National Interest, No. 49
(Fall 1997), pp. 23-29; Geoffrey Garten, The Mind of the CEO (New York: Perseus, 2001); Ulf Hannerz
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