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"Go it Alone" Won't Go with the American Public
Unformatted Document Text:  55 52 In an OLS regression concerning support for U.S. participation in the Kyoto agreement (short question), standardized coefficients were .43** for the threat of global warming; .16** for the goal of improving the global environment; .08 for the goal of strengthening international law (n.s.); and .13* for liberal-conservative self-ratings. Adj. R-squared = .34; df = 291. 53 See Barbara Crossette, “War Crimes Tribunal Becomes Reality, Without U.S. Role,” New York Times April 12, 2002, p.A3. 54 Information from the Coalition for the International Criminal Court (iccnow.org), through June 2, 2003. See also Human Rights Watch. ((UPDATE)) 55 A random sub-sample of telephone respondents (n = 700) who had not been asked the four-part general question about international treaties and agreements was asked the longer ICC question. 56 To judge the merits of the ICC (and the flimsiness of U.S. government arguments against it), see the text of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, available at the website un.org, and Sewall and Kaysen (2000). 57 In an OLS regression predicting support for the ICC (using the short question so that Goals variables could be included), standardized coefficients were .25** for the goal of strengthening international law and institutions; .16** for the goal of strengthening the United Nations; .10 for the goal of promoting and defending human rights in other countries (p=.064); and .05 for liberal-conservative self- rating (n.s.). Adj. R-squared = .15; df = 344. 58 In an OLS regression predicting support for “assistance to promote democracy abroad,” the standardized coefficients were .27** for the goal of bringing democratic government to other nations; .13* for the threat of military conflict between Israel and Arabs; .12* for the goal of protecting weaker nations against foreign aggression; .13* for “active part” internationalism; and .02 (n.s.) for liberal-conservative self-rating. Adj. R-squared = .17, df = 336. Pairwise deletion of missing values. Listwise OLS and Probit estimates produced nearly identical results but some significance levels were lower. 59 On the daunting past U.S. experience with democratic nation building, see Pei and Kasper (2003, esp. Table 1, p.4.) 60 Press release, “New PIPA/KN Poll on US Role After Iraq War,” Program on International Policy Attitudes (Americans-world.org), April 29, 2003, p.2. 61 “Security Council Almost Unanimously Approves Broad Mandate for Allies in Iraq,” New York Times, May 23, 2003, p.A12, with excerpts from the resolution; the full text is available from un.org.

Authors: Page, Benjamin.
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52
In an OLS regression concerning support for U.S. participation in the Kyoto agreement (short question),
standardized coefficients were .43** for the threat of global warming; .16** for the goal of improving the
global environment; .08 for the goal of strengthening international law (n.s.); and .13* for liberal-
conservative self-ratings. Adj. R-squared = .34; df = 291.
53
See Barbara Crossette, “War Crimes Tribunal Becomes Reality, Without U.S. Role,” New York Times
April 12, 2002, p.A3.
54
Information from the Coalition for the International Criminal Court (iccnow.org), through June 2, 2003.
See also Human Rights Watch. ((UPDATE))
55
A random sub-sample of telephone respondents (n = 700) who had not been asked the four-part general
question about international treaties and agreements was asked the longer ICC question.
56
To judge the merits of the ICC (and the flimsiness of U.S. government arguments against it), see the
text of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, available at the website un.org, and Sewall
and Kaysen (2000).
57
In an OLS regression predicting support for the ICC (using the short question so that Goals variables
could be included), standardized coefficients were .25** for the goal of strengthening international law and
institutions; .16** for the goal of strengthening the United Nations; .10 for the goal of promoting and
defending human rights in other countries (p=.064); and .05 for liberal-conservative self- rating (n.s.). Adj.
R-squared = .15; df = 344.
58
In an OLS regression predicting support for “assistance to promote democracy abroad,” the
standardized coefficients were .27** for the goal of bringing democratic government to other nations; .13*
for the threat of military conflict between Israel and Arabs; .12* for the goal of protecting weaker nations
against foreign aggression; .13* for “active part” internationalism; and .02 (n.s.) for liberal-conservative
self-rating. Adj. R-squared = .17, df = 336. Pairwise deletion of missing values. Listwise OLS and Probit
estimates produced nearly identical results but some significance levels were lower.
59
On the daunting past U.S. experience with democratic nation building, see Pei and Kasper (2003, esp.
Table 1, p.4.)
60
Press release, “New PIPA/KN Poll on US Role After Iraq War,” Program on International Policy
Attitudes (Americans-world.org), April 29, 2003, p.2.
61
“Security Council Almost Unanimously Approves Broad Mandate for Allies in Iraq,” New York Times,
May 23, 2003, p.A12, with excerpts from the resolution; the full text is available from un.org.


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