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Identity, Security and the Inclusion/Exclusion Nexus: EU Border Conflicts and the Conditions for their Transformation

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Abstract:

Through a structured comparison of Polish/German, Moroccan/Spanish, and Turkish/Greek bilateral relations in the post Cold-War period, this paper will analyze how the prospects for EU enlargement affect conflicts on EU’s external borders. Many scholars have noted the important role played by the community-building practices of the EU –promotion of shared norms, values, and a sense of collective identity among its members- in transforming Western Europe into a security community. However, the effects of the same community-building practices on conflicts between member and non-member states on EU’s borders have not been adequately analyzed. While social-psychological approaches would anticipate the intensification of such in-group/out-group conflicts, the ambiguous definition of EU’s boundaries, the prospects for enlargement, and institutional relationships of association and candidacy may actually be playing a mitigating role.

The three bilateral relationships under analysis have followed diverse trajectories after the end of the Cold War. The serious border dispute between Poland and West Germany, which lay dormant during the Cold War, was rapidly resolved with Germany's recognition of the Oder-Neisse border. By 1991, the Polish foreign minister could even talk about the new Polish-German Community of Interest. In contrast, territorial disputes in the Aegean between Greece and Turkey remained unresolved and brought the two states to the brink of war over a rocky islet during the 1996 Imia/Kardak crisis. Since 1999, however, Greek-Turkish relations have entered into a hopeful period of rapprochement. The status of the Spanish territories in North Africa remained disputed between Morocco and Spain, and the two states almost went to war over the Perejil islet in July 2002.

The diverse trajectories of these border conflicts correlate with the positions of their non-member parties within the EU enlargement process and EU identity debates. While Poland, along with other Central and Eastern European states, was placed on a clear track to membership in the name of ‘reunifying Europe’; the 1987 membership application of Morocco was unequivocally rejected on the grounds that it is not a European country; and Turkey was left in an ambiguous institutional position at least until 1999 as its identity status as a European country was vigorously debated. Through in depth case studies and discourse analysis of official statements and newspaper commentary, I will analyze how the EU’s inclusionary and exclusionary community-building practices affected perceptions of identity/difference and threat among parties to these border conflicts, and thereby helped ameliorate or aggravate the conflicts. My hypothesis is that the EU helps foster a sense of collective identity between member and non-member states on its borders, and thereby ameliorate their conflicts, when it constitutes and relates to the non-member state as potentially a ‘part of self.’ Conversely, the EU helps exacerbate the sense of difference and aggravate the conflicts on its borders, when the non-member state is clearly marked as different and ‘other.’

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eu (255), ident (196), european (157), border (113), state (107), relat (95), conflict (94), posit (88), turkey (79), europ (72), intern (65), constitut (55), construct (53), greec (52), morocco (51), collect (49), member (48), differ (48), poland (47), non (44), post (41),

Author's Keywords:

EU enlargement, identity position, border conflicts, security community,
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Rumelili, Bahar. "Identity, Security and the Inclusion/Exclusion Nexus: EU Border Conflicts and the Conditions for their Transformation" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Philadelphia Marriott Hotel, Philadelphia, PA, Aug 22, 2003 <Not Available>. 2009-05-26 <http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p62675_index.html>

APA Citation:

Rumelili, B. , 2003-08-22 "Identity, Security and the Inclusion/Exclusion Nexus: EU Border Conflicts and the Conditions for their Transformation" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Philadelphia Marriott Hotel, Philadelphia, PA Online <.PDF>. 2009-05-26 from http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p62675_index.html

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Through a structured comparison of Polish/German, Moroccan/Spanish, and Turkish/Greek bilateral relations in the post Cold-War period, this paper will analyze how the prospects for EU enlargement affect conflicts on EU’s external borders. Many scholars have noted the important role played by the community-building practices of the EU –promotion of shared norms, values, and a sense of collective identity among its members- in transforming Western Europe into a security community. However, the effects of the same community-building practices on conflicts between member and non-member states on EU’s borders have not been adequately analyzed. While social-psychological approaches would anticipate the intensification of such in-group/out-group conflicts, the ambiguous definition of EU’s boundaries, the prospects for enlargement, and institutional relationships of association and candidacy may actually be playing a mitigating role.

The three bilateral relationships under analysis have followed diverse trajectories after the end of the Cold War. The serious border dispute between Poland and West Germany, which lay dormant during the Cold War, was rapidly resolved with Germany's recognition of the Oder-Neisse border. By 1991, the Polish foreign minister could even talk about the new Polish-German Community of Interest. In contrast, territorial disputes in the Aegean between Greece and Turkey remained unresolved and brought the two states to the brink of war over a rocky islet during the 1996 Imia/Kardak crisis. Since 1999, however, Greek-Turkish relations have entered into a hopeful period of rapprochement. The status of the Spanish territories in North Africa remained disputed between Morocco and Spain, and the two states almost went to war over the Perejil islet in July 2002.

The diverse trajectories of these border conflicts correlate with the positions of their non-member parties within the EU enlargement process and EU identity debates. While Poland, along with other Central and Eastern European states, was placed on a clear track to membership in the name of ‘reunifying Europe’; the 1987 membership application of Morocco was unequivocally rejected on the grounds that it is not a European country; and Turkey was left in an ambiguous institutional position at least until 1999 as its identity status as a European country was vigorously debated. Through in depth case studies and discourse analysis of official statements and newspaper commentary, I will analyze how the EU’s inclusionary and exclusionary community-building practices affected perceptions of identity/difference and threat among parties to these border conflicts, and thereby helped ameliorate or aggravate the conflicts. My hypothesis is that the EU helps foster a sense of collective identity between member and non-member states on its borders, and thereby ameliorate their conflicts, when it constitutes and relates to the non-member state as potentially a ‘part of self.’ Conversely, the EU helps exacerbate the sense of difference and aggravate the conflicts on its borders, when the non-member state is clearly marked as different and ‘other.’

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Document Type: .PDF
Page count: 33
Word count: 13428
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Conflict Identity and the Inclusion/Exclusion Nexus: EU Border Conflicts and the Conditions for their Transformation Bahar Rumelili Ph. D. Postdoctoral Fellow EUBORDERCONF Project Bogazici University/ University of Birmingham rumelili@ixir.com Prepared for delivery at the 2003 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association August 28 - August 31 2003. Copyright by the American Political Science Association. DRAFT ONLY PLEASE DO NOT CITE WITHOUT PERMISSION. Comments welcome at rumelili@ixir.com I. The EU and Conflict at its External Borders: The European
as I have argued before does suggest the possibility that the (positive) effects of an international institution are not limited to its institutional membership and those it intends to take in as members. But how to separate out the two in practice how to constitute states that have no prospect of membership as potentially parts of the European self is certainly a challenge. Perhaps the answer lies in what some scholars have identified as characteristics of the EU as


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