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Identity, Security and the Inclusion/Exclusion Nexus: EU Border Conflicts and the Conditions for their Transformation
Unformatted Document Text:  28 Turkey has been situated in a ‘liminal,’ partly-self/partly-other, position with respect to the European collective identity. 74 Unlike Poland but also as different from Morocco, Turkey’s status as a potential member of the EU has remained ambiguous. This is reflective of a broader ambivalence about the belonging of Turkey within the European collective identity, an ambivalence that does not exist for either Morocco (which is clearly seen outside) or Poland (which is very much seen as within). On the one hand, through its membership in Western/European institutions such as NATO and the Council of Europe, Turkey is considered as a part of Europe. On the other hand, as a predominantly Muslim country that is situated mostly in Asia, Turkey has been perceived as a threat to exclusive notions of European identity based on geography and the Judeo-Christian culture. While those upholding inclusive notions of European identity based on free markets and democracy have supported Turkey’s inclusion to resist such racist arguments, they have expressed similar fears that Turkey’s underdeveloped economy and semi-authoritarian political system will dilute European standards. Partly European and partly not, and insisting on being recognized as European while violating its standards, Turkey has been perceived as threatening alternative notions of European identity. Hence, and more so than Morocco whose differences are perceived as more unequivocal, there has been a pronounced tendency to represent Turkey as different and threatening. The situation of Turkey in such a liminal position with respect to the EU has had adverse consequences for the course of Greek-Turkish relations, and disabled the EU from exerting a positive influence. First of all, in the midst of all the ambivalence surrounding the Europeanness of its identity, the membership carrot offered to Turkey by the EU, in return for fulfilling certain political conditions, including the resolution of disputes with Greece has not been perceived as credible by Turkish policymakers. The widespread belief in Turkey that even if all the conditions are fulfilled, the EU will not accept Turkey as a member has legitimized the continued pursuit of hardliner policies against Greece. In addition, in Turkey, the generally shared view that the EU membership has given Greece 74 For a general discussion on the role of liminal entities in construction of identity, see Anne Norton, Reflections on Political Identity (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988). On the constitutive conditions of a liminal identity position with respect to the EU, see Rumelili, ‘Constructing Identity’. Also for an argument about how Turkey’s liminal position with respect to the EU affects Greek-Turkish relations, see Rumelili, ‘Liminality and Perpetuation of Conflicts’.

Authors: Rumelili, Bahar.
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28
Turkey has been situated in a ‘liminal,’ partly-self/partly-other, position with
respect to the European collective identity.
74
Unlike Poland but also as different from
Morocco, Turkey’s status as a potential member of the EU has remained ambiguous. This
is reflective of a broader ambivalence about the belonging of Turkey within the European
collective identity, an ambivalence that does not exist for either Morocco (which is clearly
seen outside) or Poland (which is very much seen as within). On the one hand, through its
membership in Western/European institutions such as NATO and the Council of Europe,
Turkey is considered as a part of Europe. On the other hand, as a predominantly Muslim
country that is situated mostly in Asia, Turkey has been perceived as a threat to exclusive
notions of European identity based on geography and the Judeo-Christian culture. While
those upholding inclusive notions of European identity based on free markets and
democracy have supported Turkey’s inclusion to resist such racist arguments, they have
expressed similar fears that Turkey’s underdeveloped economy and semi-authoritarian
political system will dilute European standards. Partly European and partly not, and
insisting on being recognized as European while violating its standards, Turkey has been
perceived as threatening alternative notions of European identity. Hence, and more so than
Morocco whose differences are perceived as more unequivocal, there has been a
pronounced tendency to represent Turkey as different and threatening.
The situation of Turkey in such a liminal position with respect to the EU has had
adverse consequences for the course of Greek-Turkish relations, and disabled the EU from
exerting a positive influence. First of all, in the midst of all the ambivalence surrounding
the Europeanness of its identity, the membership carrot offered to Turkey by the EU, in
return for fulfilling certain political conditions, including the resolution of disputes with
Greece has not been perceived as credible by Turkish policymakers. The widespread
belief in Turkey that even if all the conditions are fulfilled, the EU will not accept Turkey
as a member has legitimized the continued pursuit of hardliner policies against Greece. In
addition, in Turkey, the generally shared view that the EU membership has given Greece
74
For a general discussion on the role of liminal entities in construction of identity, see
Anne Norton, Reflections on Political Identity (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University
Press, 1988). On the constitutive conditions of a liminal identity position with respect to
the EU, see Rumelili, ‘Constructing Identity’. Also for an argument about how Turkey’s
liminal position with respect to the EU affects Greek-Turkish relations, see Rumelili,
‘Liminality and Perpetuation of Conflicts’.


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