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Language Conflict, Political Protest, and Political Violence: Reexamining the Causal Link between Grievance and Action
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The temptation to subvert the goals of a contentious collective action aimed at
improving the instrumental value of language can thwart the emergence of such movements. For the purposes of the present analysis, it is particularly important to emphasize that this subversion logic makes sense only when language is considered as an instrument and not as a symbol imbued with its own inherent value. If the language conflict emerges because a language’s use is actively proscribed or persecuted, the symbolic value of language as an identity marker is under assault and individual temptation (subversion) cannot be said to thwart collective action in the same way when there exist, for individuals, no viable alternatives to collective contention. When the discrimination and language marginalization that gives rise to grievances is overt and employed as a means to marginalize the existence or identity of the minority group, subversion of contentious action via assimilation is no longer a reasonable individual strategy. When the instrumental value of one’s language is low, it may be practicable to simply find another instrument. When the symbolic value of one’s language is under assault, no individual action can address the problem. The logic of monitoring and sanctioning and the logic of subversion can serve to alter the incentives for collective mobilization for individual members of minority groups in the midst of language conflict.The former mechanism can be expected to apply to all situations of language conflict whereas the latter can be expected to apply in instances of language conflict is focused on a language’s instrumental value rather than on its symbolic or inherent value. As with the stalemate mechanism, moving from a formal discussion of the mechanisms of monitoring, sanctioning, and subversion to an empirical test of their relevance in ameliorating the volatility of real world language conflicts requires the specification of observable variables capable of serving as proxies for these mechanisms.
Proxies for the Costs of In-Group Mobilization
1.
The extent to which a group is concentrated in a single region
A simple measure that indicates the extent to which a group’s population within the polity is geographically concentrated can be included in the empirical model and interacted with the MAR measure for the salience of language grievances. Collective action “entrepreneurs” for groups that are highly geographically dispersed are more likely to find the task of monitoring and sanctioning non-participation in contentious action more difficult and costly.
2.
The extent to which a group has some pre-existing organization.
The MAR database includes a measure of group organizational cohesion based on the number of intra-group organizations that exist, their memberships, their activities, and their long term vitality. Groups that score high on this index are more likely to have networks (both social and organizational) that can be exploited for the purposes of monitoring contributions to any collective movement as well as punishing non-contributiors.
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| | Authors: McLaughlin, Eric. |
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8
The temptation to subvert the goals of a contentious collective action aimed at
improving the instrumental value of language can thwart the emergence of such movements. For the purposes of the present analysis, it is particularly important to emphasize that this subversion logic makes sense only when language is considered as an instrument and not as a symbol imbued with its own inherent value. If the language conflict emerges because a language’s use is actively proscribed or persecuted, the symbolic value of language as an identity marker is under assault and individual temptation (subversion) cannot be said to thwart collective action in the same way when there exist, for individuals, no viable alternatives to collective contention. When the discrimination and language marginalization that gives rise to grievances is overt and employed as a means to marginalize the existence or identity of the minority group, subversion of contentious action via assimilation is no longer a reasonable individual strategy. When the instrumental value of one’s language is low, it may be practicable to simply find another instrument. When the symbolic value of one’s language is under assault, no individual action can address the problem. The logic of monitoring and sanctioning and the logic of subversion can serve to alter the incentives for collective mobilization for individual members of minority groups in the midst of language conflict. The former mechanism can be expected to apply to all situations of language conflict whereas the latter can be expected to apply in instances of language conflict is focused on a language’s instrumental value rather than on its symbolic or inherent value. As with the stalemate mechanism, moving from a formal discussion of the mechanisms of monitoring, sanctioning, and subversion to an empirical test of their relevance in ameliorating the volatility of real world language conflicts requires the specification of observable variables capable of serving as proxies for these mechanisms.
Proxies for the Costs of In-Group Mobilization
1.
The extent to which a group is concentrated in a single region
A simple measure that indicates the extent to which a group’s population within the polity is geographically concentrated can be included in the empirical model and interacted with the MAR measure for the salience of language grievances. Collective action “entrepreneurs” for groups that are highly geographically dispersed are more likely to find the task of monitoring and sanctioning non-participation in contentious action more difficult and costly.
2.
The extent to which a group has some pre-existing organization.
The MAR database includes a measure of group organizational cohesion based on the number of intra-group organizations that exist, their memberships, their activities, and their long term vitality. Groups that score high on this index are more likely to have networks (both social and organizational) that can be exploited for the purposes of monitoring contributions to any collective movement as well as punishing non- contributiors.
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