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Abstract
The paper explores the thesis that Scottish Labour, under the new system of devolved government and
operating under different institutional and political pressures, may evolve in a programmatic direction distinct
from that of the Labour Government in London. Under devolution the Scottish Executive has direct
responsibility for issues of health and education. Given Scotland’s more robust collectivist traditions, and a
pattern of party alignments that tilts more strongly to the left what are the prospects of social democracy of
a more classical stamp taking root and flourishing north of the border? The paper explores this question by
means of a case study - the implementation by the Scottish Executive in 2001 of free personal care for the
elderly.
Key Words
Devolution, Labour Party, Scottish politics, long-term care for the elderly.
Introduction
What has been the role of the Labour Party under devolution? Labour at present constitutes the sole
government party in Westminster and, since the 2003 elections, in Wales whilst in Scotland it is the senior
partner in a Labour-Liberal Democratic coalition. This paper examines the impact of devolution upon the
party in Scotland and its relationship with the Labour Government in London by means of a case study -
the implementation by the Scottish Executive in 2001 of free personal care for the elderly. The report of the
Royal Commission on long-term care (chaired by Sir Stewart [now Lord] Sutherland) was published in
February 1999. A principal recommendation was that long-term personal care should be provided free for
all, on the basis of need. This recommendation was rejected by the Blair Government but accepted by the
Scottish Executive and introduced in July 2002 - thereby opening up the most serious major policy gap yet
seen under the new devolved settlement and causing considerable tension between Edinburgh and London.
How can we account for the Executive’s decision?
Two standard political variables used in explaining differences in welfare policies are the ideological
orientation of political parties and the general norms and values of a society. (Rothstein, 2001: 214). We use
the term ‘the party effects hypothesis’ to refer to the combination of these two variables. It would appear
relevant to the case in hand. Scottish Labour has traditionally (since the days of the radical Clydesiders in
the early 1920s) stood to the left of the party south of the border. The greater radicalism of Scottish Labour
is frequently adduced as a product of a more robustly collectivist culture. According to Paterson, the
dominant Scottish social philosophy has been ‘social democratic communitarianism’. This contends ‘that
human identity is intrinsically social and that personal fulfilment depends upon our relations with others. The
main aim of public policy should be to safeguard and develop the community conditions that help individuals
to be fulfilled.’ (Paterson, 2001: 121). Hence it would be plausible to anticipate that Scottish Labour would opt
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