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Labour in Holyrood and Westminster and the Dynamics of Policy Divergence
Unformatted Document Text:  28 11 This section relies heavily on interviews with senior figures close to the McLeish administration. 12 As it happened at the 2003 Scottish general election in the electoral literature of both Labour and the Lib Dems free personal care was prominently highlighted as their principal accomplishment. 13 These were formulated jointly by Holyrood and Whitehall department to regulate relations, stimulate co-operation and define roles and responsibilities. 14 One reason for this is that such financial products were bound to be expensive and beyond the reach of most potential customers given the uncertainties entailed – in terms not only of the incidence of illness, but of future medical advances and the disposition of family and friends to undertake unpaid care duties. ‘To safeguard themselves, private insurers limit the scale of benefits and make their products expensive’ (Guardian June 23, 1999) 15 Deeming and Keen concluded the government’s policy was not sustainable and that ‘the most equitable and efficient policy solution is one that pools risk across society and redistributes resources according to need’ – that is the Scottish solution (Deeming and Keen, 2001: 83, 85, 82). 16 In reaction to Dewar’s opposition to free personal care, Age Concern Scotland launched the ‘We Care’ campaign in support of the Sutherland report. Within three months over 10,000 signatures had been collected and in January 2000 ‘the largest petition then seen was handed to the Scottish Parliament in support of the recommendations in the report on long-term care’ (Age Concern, 2003: 5.3). 17 Despite significant teething problems the system of free personal care in Scotland appears to be working fairly smoothly with the Scottish Executive planning to increase its annual budget from £143 million in 2003/04 to £147 million in 2004/05 and to £153 million in 2005/06, so far deemed affordable (Observer February 23, 2003). 18 This paragraph draws upon interviews. 19 This generalisation needs to be qualified in that the Conservatives have slid to third party status in many urban centres in the North and parts of London. Equally, the Liberals have made substantial gains in recent elections.

Authors: Shaw, Eric.
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28
11
This section relies heavily on interviews with senior figures close to the McLeish administration.
12
As it happened at the 2003 Scottish general election in the electoral literature of both Labour and the Lib
Dems free personal care was prominently highlighted as their principal accomplishment.
13
These were formulated jointly by Holyrood and Whitehall department to regulate relations, stimulate co-operation and
define roles and responsibilities.
14
One reason for this is that such financial products were bound to be expensive and beyond the reach of most
potential customers given the uncertainties entailed – in terms not only of the incidence of illness, but of future medical
advances and the disposition of family and friends to undertake unpaid care duties. ‘To safeguard themselves, private
insurers limit the scale of benefits and make their products expensive’ (Guardian June 23, 1999)
15
Deeming and Keen concluded the government’s policy was not sustainable and that ‘the most equitable and
efficient policy solution is one that pools risk across society and redistributes resources according to need’ – that is the
Scottish solution (Deeming and Keen, 2001: 83, 85, 82).
16
In reaction to Dewar’s opposition to free personal care, Age Concern Scotland launched the ‘We Care’ campaign in
support of the Sutherland report. Within three months over 10,000 signatures had been collected and in January 2000
‘the largest petition then seen was handed to the Scottish Parliament in support of the recommendations in the report on
long-term care’ (Age Concern, 2003: 5.3).
17
Despite significant teething problems the system of free personal care in Scotland appears to be working
fairly smoothly with the Scottish Executive planning to increase its annual budget from £143 million
in 2003/04 to £147 million in 2004/05 and to £153 million in 2005/06, so far deemed affordable (Observer
February 23, 2003).
18
This paragraph draws upon interviews.
19
This generalisation needs to be qualified in that the Conservatives have slid to third party status in many
urban centres in the North and parts of London. Equally, the Liberals have made substantial gains in recent
elections.


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