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Sexual Diversity and Public Schools in Canada and the United States
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In formal policy terms, to be sure, Canadian provinces have been moved substantially toward including sexual orientation in prohibitions on discrimination and harassment that apply to public schools, the reluctant among them forced to do so by the Charter. This in theory offers protection or redress to students or staff who have been the target of anti-gay bullying. Public school teachers in Canada have also benefitted from shifts in law and policy that have applied across the country, giving them access to job protection and employee benefits. To some extent, such changes have occurred without the kind of controversy that erupts in the U.S. when sexual diversity arises in the political arena.
However, the policy gains that have been secured more uniformly across Canada than the U.S. do not seem to have translated into a greater visibility being given to sexual diversity in the public schools of Canada. Nor do these formal protections seem to have led more widespread challenging of the gendered assumptions of the curriculum and of day-to-day school life. Thereseems more such visibility among students and educators, and more such challenge, in the U.S. than Canada. What explains this?
One factor is striking contrast in the extent of activism supporting change. This is not a self-evidently influential factor, since the intensity and endurance of American activism on other sexual diversity issues is much greater than Canadian counterparts but without producing more favourable results. In this case, however, the breadth of the schools agenda fought for by social conservatives in the U.S. mobilizes reformist forces very widely. This is true only to some extent in Canada, where most religious conservatives have a narrower agenda than their American counterparts with less interest in rolling the clock back. The usual Canadian-American contrasts in reformist resources mobilized around sexual diversity, therefore, is even more pronounced in schooling.
Public schooling has been a cultural war zone for a very long time in the U.S.. The 20
th
century
is regularly marked by ferocious battles over teaching evolution or creationism, assimilating differences or reflecting diversity, integrating blacks or segregating. These have all been national debates, hard fought over, and still unresolved. Equity struggles, most obviously those related to race and ethnicity, have also had schooling at the very centre of their agendas. This same concern was amplified by the marginalized condition of hispanic students, and the experience of new immigrant groups.
This intensity of attention to schooling over at least half a century is partly a result of explicitly exclusionary practices. But it also comes from the particularly American optimism about human potential, and the centrality of schooling in creating opportunity for individual advancement. It also results from the long-standing belief that schools should “make” Americans out of its citizens and immigrants. Such high stakes and bitter contests have led to the creation and maintenance over some decades of dense and well-resourced activist networks prepared to devote energy to schools.
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59
In formal policy terms, to be sure, Canadian provinces have been moved substantially toward including sexual orientation in prohibitions on discrimination and harassment that apply to public schools, the reluctant among them forced to do so by the Charter. This in theory offers protection or redress to students or staff who have been the target of anti-gay bullying. Public school teachers in Canada have also benefitted from shifts in law and policy that have applied across the country, giving them access to job protection and employee benefits. To some extent, such changes have occurred without the kind of controversy that erupts in the U.S. when sexual diversity arises in the political arena.
However, the policy gains that have been secured more uniformly across Canada than the U.S. do not seem to have translated into a greater visibility being given to sexual diversity in the public schools of Canada. Nor do these formal protections seem to have led more widespread challenging of the gendered assumptions of the curriculum and of day-to-day school life. There seems more such visibility among students and educators, and more such challenge, in the U.S. than Canada. What explains this?
One factor is striking contrast in the extent of activism supporting change. This is not a self- evidently influential factor, since the intensity and endurance of American activism on other sexual diversity issues is much greater than Canadian counterparts but without producing more favourable results. In this case, however, the breadth of the schools agenda fought for by social conservatives in the U.S. mobilizes reformist forces very widely. This is true only to some extent in Canada, where most religious conservatives have a narrower agenda than their American counterparts with less interest in rolling the clock back. The usual Canadian-American contrasts in reformist resources mobilized around sexual diversity, therefore, is even more pronounced in schooling.
Public schooling has been a cultural war zone for a very long time in the U.S.. The 20
th
century
is regularly marked by ferocious battles over teaching evolution or creationism, assimilating differences or reflecting diversity, integrating blacks or segregating. These have all been national debates, hard fought over, and still unresolved. Equity struggles, most obviously those related to race and ethnicity, have also had schooling at the very centre of their agendas. This same concern was amplified by the marginalized condition of hispanic students, and the experience of new immigrant groups.
This intensity of attention to schooling over at least half a century is partly a result of explicitly exclusionary practices. But it also comes from the particularly American optimism about human potential, and the centrality of schooling in creating opportunity for individual advancement. It also results from the long-standing belief that schools should “make” Americans out of its citizens and immigrants. Such high stakes and bitter contests have led to the creation and maintenance over some decades of dense and well-resourced activist networks prepared to devote energy to schools.
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