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Between Monitoring and Organizing: International NGO and Union Strategies to End Sweatshop Practices
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Conclusion
In this paper, I suggested that the nature of the apparel industry has created the
possibility of union-to-union and North-South NGO alliances seeking to end sweatshop practices. I have argued that movement strategies are shaped not only by domestic structures and interactions with opponents, but also by threats and opportunities, and interactions among actors within alliances. Both U.S. unionists and U.S. NGOs established certain strategies that they sought to promote in Central America. In the case of unions, due to the structure of their international organization that was based on formal affiliation, more discipline was expected. This meant that the strategy was implemented with limited input from local actors. If local unionists did not like the strategy, their option was to exit. Several unions did just that, and pursued an alternative model of organizing. In the case of the NGO sector, the more flexible nature of the network-type relationships and the more limited amount of funds available from Northern NGOs meant that there was less imposition. Yet adversaries (MNCs) had a significant degree of influence. As a result, the monitoring program shifted significantly over time due to interactions with opponents and local actors’ responses to opportunties.
This paper leaves several variables unexplored. For example, we need to know
how these dynamics might play out in other sectors and in other regions. In higher-end industries where labor rights violations are not so severe, NGO involvement can be expected to be more limited, changing the dynamics considerably. In other regions, such Europe where power imbalances are less and the social partnership is stronger, a different dynamic of actor interaction and responses to opportunities is likely.
Even for the anti-sweatshop movement, future dynamics are far from certain.
First, the movement has depended heavily on media campaigns to shame corporations in order to pursue its demands. But as seen in Figure Four, media attention to the sweatshop issue is decidedly in decline. Its focus shifted to anti-globalization protests and then to the anti-war movement. It is not clear how the anti-sweatshop movement dynamics will develop given the drop in crucial media attention. Second, changes in global trade rules to be implemented in 2005 mean Central American countries will lose most of their preferential trade access to the U.S. market as established by the export quota system. At the same time, the entry of China into the WTO has made China the preferred production site for U.S. apparel corporations. Organizing during a period of employment decline is often far more difficult than organizing during boom periods. How these trends play out will depend on how actors choose to respond to these new threats (and undoubtedly new opportunities), and how they interact with adversaries and allies.
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18
Conclusion
In this paper, I suggested that the nature of the apparel industry has created the
possibility of union-to-union and North-South NGO alliances seeking to end sweatshop
practices. I have argued that movement strategies are shaped not only by domestic
structures and interactions with opponents, but also by threats and opportunities, and
interactions among actors within alliances. Both U.S. unionists and U.S. NGOs
established certain strategies that they sought to promote in Central America. In the case
of unions, due to the structure of their international organization that was based on formal
affiliation, more discipline was expected. This meant that the strategy was implemented
with limited input from local actors. If local unionists did not like the strategy, their
option was to exit. Several unions did just that, and pursued an alternative model of
organizing. In the case of the NGO sector, the more flexible nature of the network-type
relationships and the more limited amount of funds available from Northern NGOs meant
that there was less imposition. Yet adversaries (MNCs) had a significant degree of
influence. As a result, the monitoring program shifted significantly over time due to
interactions with opponents and local actors’ responses to opportunties.
This paper leaves several variables unexplored. For example, we need to know
how these dynamics might play out in other sectors and in other regions. In higher-end
industries where labor rights violations are not so severe, NGO involvement can be
expected to be more limited, changing the dynamics considerably. In other regions, such
Europe where power imbalances are less and the social partnership is stronger, a different
dynamic of actor interaction and responses to opportunities is likely.
Even for the anti-sweatshop movement, future dynamics are far from certain.
First, the movement has depended heavily on media campaigns to shame corporations in
order to pursue its demands. But as seen in Figure Four, media attention to the sweatshop
issue is decidedly in decline. Its focus shifted to anti-globalization protests and then to the
anti-war movement. It is not clear how the anti-sweatshop movement dynamics will
develop given the drop in crucial media attention. Second, changes in global trade rules
to be implemented in 2005 mean Central American countries will lose most of their
preferential trade access to the U.S. market as established by the export quota system. At
the same time, the entry of China into the WTO has made China the preferred production
site for U.S. apparel corporations. Organizing during a period of employment decline is
often far more difficult than organizing during boom periods. How these trends play out
will depend on how actors choose to respond to these new threats (and undoubtedly new
opportunities), and how they interact with adversaries and allies.
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