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Economic Reform and Ethnic Accommodation: Explaining Nationalist Demobilization in Latvia and Ukraine
Unformatted Document Text:  8 Table III: Kyiv Mobilization, 1989-1999, by Number and Type of Demand Year TotalEvents TitularNationalistDemands LoyalistDemands EconomicDemands EcologicalDemands PoliticalDemands OtherDemands TotalDemands 1989 40 23 8 2 2 3 2 41 1990 97 62 15 9 2 29 2 121 1991 96 52 11 24 3 5 3 101 1992 116 59 19 23 9 25 9 138 1993 80 29 11 28 4 6 4 84 1994 56 15 14 17 4 2 4 57 1995 60 16 13 20 4 8 2 63 1996 60 16 10 25 3 7 1 62 1997 53 13 12 23 1 5 2 56 1998 50 8 8 32 2 1 1 52 1999 70 11 7 37 1 12 8 76 Total 778 304 128 240 38 104 37 851 Figures 1 and 2 provide a graphical display of the data presented in Tables II and III. Here we see in stark relief empirical support for my argument about the decline of titular nationalist and loyalist mobilization and the parallel rise in economic mobilization over time. In Ukraine, the rise and fall of titular nationalist mobilization and the rise in the number of economic demonstrations is especially dramatic. Several other patterns are worth noting here. In Latvia, loyalist mobilization actually outstripped titular nationalist mobilization in the period after 1994. Peaks in titular nationalist and political mobilization coincide in Ukraine. This represents the dual demands of Ukrainian nationalist student protesters, who occupied the center of Kyiv in 1990 and 1992. In Ukraine, unlike Latvia, titular nationalist politicians did not assume prominent positions of power (Riabchuk 2000). Russian-speaking politicians from Eastern Ukraine who had dominated politics in Soviet Ukraine largely retained political control in the post- Soviet period (Way 2001). For this reason, these students voiced both nationalist and political demands.

Authors: Bloom, Stephen.
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8
Table III: Kyiv Mobilization, 1989-1999, by Number and Type of Demand
Year
Total
Events
Titular
Nationalist
Demands
Loyalist
Demands
Economic
Demands
Ecological
Demands
Political
Demands
Other
Demands
Total
Demands
1989
40
23
8
2
2
3
2
41
1990
97
62
15
9
2
29
2
121
1991
96
52
11
24
3
5
3
101
1992
116
59
19
23
9
25
9
138
1993
80
29
11
28
4
6
4
84
1994
56
15
14
17
4
2
4
57
1995
60
16
13
20
4
8
2
63
1996
60
16
10
25
3
7
1
62
1997
53
13
12
23
1
5
2
56
1998
50
8
8
32
2
1
1
52
1999
70
11
7
37
1
12
8
76
Total
778
304
128
240
38
104
37
851
Figures 1 and 2 provide a graphical display of the data presented in
Tables II and III. Here we see in stark relief empirical support for my argument
about the decline of titular nationalist and loyalist mobilization and the parallel
rise in economic mobilization over time. In Ukraine, the rise and fall of titular
nationalist mobilization and the rise in the number of economic demonstrations is
especially dramatic. Several other patterns are worth noting here. In Latvia,
loyalist mobilization actually outstripped titular nationalist mobilization in the
period after 1994. Peaks in titular nationalist and political mobilization coincide
in Ukraine. This represents the dual demands of Ukrainian nationalist student
protesters, who occupied the center of Kyiv in 1990 and 1992. In Ukraine, unlike
Latvia, titular nationalist politicians did not assume prominent positions of power
(Riabchuk 2000). Russian-speaking politicians from Eastern Ukraine who had
dominated politics in Soviet Ukraine largely retained political control in the post-
Soviet period (Way 2001). For this reason, these students voiced both
nationalist and political demands.


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